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This paper reviews the emergence and development of Taiwan's ethnic relations studies by emphasising its connections to democratisation. It divides Taiwan's ethnic relations studies into four periods according to the nature of ethnic relations or ethnic conflicts at different times: (1) before the early 1980s, (2) mid-1980s to 1994, (3) 1994 to 2000, and (4) after 2000. While focusing on the studies of relations among Han ethnic groups, especially the Taiwanese/Mainlanders dichotomy, this paper also shows the emergence of 'four great ethnic groups' (Holo, Hakka, Aborigines, Mainlanders) discourses during the 1990s, and to the new addition of a fifth ethnic group (the new migrants) after 2000. It concludes by urging reconceptualisations of Taiwan's ethnic phenomenon in a democratised Taiwan after the old ethnic relations characterised by institutional asymmetric relations were largely resolved in the democratisation process.

One of the significant developments of recent years in American life is the birth, or re-birth, of interest in ethnicity. Although the melting pot model of ethnic relations never really implied the disappearance of all traces of ethnic identity, the interests of ethnicity were expected to remain subordinated to those of the community, represented by the nation. Under the stimulus of the Negro revolution of the 1960s, with its accompanying emphasis on racial identity— the black pride and Black Power thrust—other ethnic group ings in America have shown signs of increasing discontent with what they regard as the submergence of their ethnic interests. These developments have not only paralleled those in the black community, they are intricately related to them in a complex of inter-ethnic competition for recognition, public attention and social and economic benefits. The existence of the new ethnicity in the context thus delineated, obviously means that serious sources of social tension exist. If they are to be handled without damage to the social fabric, both good will and ingenuity will be required.

After 20 years of central government efforts that include generous state subsidies, the Tibet Autonomous Region remains China's poorest administrative unit. Growth rates over the past decade have exceeded the national average, while the average Tibetan is better fed and clothed than in the past. However, development has been extensive, resulting from higher subsidies, rather than intensive. Economic rates of return are low and dropping, raising fears that the TAR is becoming more dependent on external aid. There are also questions about the distribution of benefits between both Han versus Tibetans and urban versus rural dwellers; the impact of development projects on the environment; and their deleterious effects on traditional Tibetan culture. + A careful and observant traveller to Xinjiang may sense tense ethnic relations in the region. This article is primarily based on a survey and fieldwork conducted in August 2000 in Urumqi. Our findings indicate that (1) there is a low degree of integration between the two ethnic groups; (2) the Uygurs have a very strong ethnic identity; (3) members of both Han and Uygur ethnic groups including local cadres have prejudices against the opposite group; and (4) Uygurs are critical of government policies toward the national minorities including policy toward the national separatists. The Chinese government has adopted a policy of ethnic segregation and used repressive campaigns against the separatists. However, it appears that Beijing does not really have the ethnic conflicts in the region under control. Ethnic unrest in Xinjiang remains a thorn in China's political stability and national security. (J Contemp China/DÜI)