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Istotą artykułu jest próba pogłębionej refleksji na temat charakteru polityki etnicznej państwa polskiego po roku 1989, a więc w okresie transformacji ustrojowej. Punktem wyjścia rozważań są autorskie odniesienia do specyfiki i istoty polityki etnicznej jako polityki szczegółowej państwa, przede wszystkim w świetle paradygmatu badawczego właściwego badaniom politologicznym. Analizy dotyczą tak zagadnień teoretycznych, jak i praktycznych, w tym determinantów badanej polityki, instytucji/podmiotów ją kreujących, etapów, głównych koncepcji, zakresu realizacji oraz bilansu. Autor konkluduje, że realizowana w okresie transformacji polityka etniczna państwa polskiego zasługuje na pozytywną ocenę, tak w kontekście jej charakteru, jak i skuteczności. Stwierdza, że Polska wypracowała i prowadziła wtedy politykę nastawioną z jednej strony na tworzenie ram państwa demokratycznego, z drugiej pozytywne rozwiązywanie ujawniających się problemów w sferze etnicznej. Zaprezentowane rozważania bazują na wieloletnich badaniach własnych autora, licznych dokumentach oraz literaturze przedmiotu.

In this article, we study the political and legal model currently used by Norway in its Northern counties. This work is a part of comprehensive research supported by the Russian Science Foundation. Our study aims to provide a historical perspective to the model of Nor­way's national ethnic policy in the Northern counties by identifying the operational capabili­ties and assessing the efficiency of these models amid increasing migration flows and changes in the country's socio-economic environment. The methods we use in this multidisciplinary study are situated at the interface of national and international law, political science, history, and sociology. They include the comparative historical method (the dynamics of ethno-political processes), the systemic method (ethic policy in the framework of target-based pro­gramme management), the comparative law method (a comparison of national legal systems and international contractual standards), the value and norm-driven method (ethnic policy viewed through the prism of public good), institutional method (the role of political institu­tions), and the secondary analysis of sociological data. We also rely on qualitative methods, namely, the collection, analysis, and interpretation of data on ethnic diasporas living in the North of Norway. As a result, we establish that the Kingdom of Norway has a unified ap­proach to national ethnic policy, which rests on self-confessed multiculturalism. However, different ethnic political models are applied in the case of certain ethnic groups. Today, against the background of declared state multiculturalism and integration, the models of ac­culturation and non-violent assimilation are both operational in Norway. There are sporadic expressions of nationalism and voluntary segregation. We conclude that, despite a unified approach to ethnic policy and despite Norway's political and legal achievements in the pro­tection of indigenous peoples' rights, the country's government carries out a differentiated 'hybrid' ethnic policy towards ethnic groups living on its territory. The growing infighting between the right and the left parties in the Storting translates into unpopular and spur-of-the-moment political decisions as regards inter-ethnic relations.

Abstract  At the start of the fourth century, China's Western Jin dynasty (265–317 AD) faced insurrection from non‐Chinese ethnic groups that resided as its internal clients. It fell to these barbarian usurpers in 317. Throughout the eleventh century, the Northern Song dynasty (960–1127) felt its sovereignty endangered by foreign states to the north. Parallels between the ethnic policies of Western Jin and Northern Song emerge from the representation of Western Jin's dynastic fortunes that the eleventh‐century statesman and historian Sima Guang (1019–1086) offered in his famous chronicle, Zizhi tongjian (A Comprehensive Mirror to Aid Government). The present article takes that text as its focus. It examines the textual and ideological spin that Sima Guang gave his account of fourth‐century ethnic tensions. It argues that his characterisation of the barbarians that threatened Western Jin resonated with his response to eleventh‐century foreign relations. And it shows that for Sima Guang the integrity of the Chinese imperial state, and even Chinese identity, was at stake.

Many of the world's political analysts who have contributed to the theory and study of contradictions and crises, they agree that today, unlike the past, the main sources of conflicts and crises on the global level are not the economy. But the main source of challenges and contradictions is ethnic, cultural conflict and many of the countries that were born in the past with a painful process of nation-building. Now they have been questioned as a national unit, and the moves of ethnicity and separatism have absorbed them.
Purpose: Attention to traditional and ethnic structures and the entry and presence of the government in the field of policy and political management of tribal diversity in Iran, which has been followed up by regulating ethnicity, state, and supervision of the movements of the ethnic groups (Jenkins, Richard, 1997).
Method: The practices and methods and rules have been examined by governments and regulating their interactions and relations with their relatives and their management and policy. As a result, Iran is described as a tumultuous society in which various ethnic and tribal groups have been in constant conflict with the state and with each other.