State Building Reconsidered: the Role of Hybridity in the Formation of Political Order
In: Political science, Band 59, Heft 1, S. 45-56
ISSN: 2041-0611
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In: Political science, Band 59, Heft 1, S. 45-56
ISSN: 2041-0611
In: Political science, Band 59, Heft 1, S. 45-56
ISSN: 0112-8760, 0032-3187
In: Asian perspective, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 439-462
ISSN: 2288-2871
In: Gosudarstvo i pravo, Heft 5, S. 108
This study asks why Kenya, during the 1970s, experienced relative political stability in spite of sharp and salient ethnic and regional divisions. It then considers the sources of recent instability and of perceived changes in the character of state-society relationships. The study is based on research carried out in the United States and in the Republic of Kenya between 1984 and 1986
World Affairs Online
In: Evrazijskaja integracija: ėkonomika, pravo, politika ; meždunarodnyj naučno-analitičeskij žurnal, Band 18, Heft 1, S. 9-10
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In: Politische Vierteljahresschrift: PVS : German political science quarterly, Band 54, Heft 3, S. 588-590
ISSN: 1862-2860
In: Political Science Issues, Heft 11(75), S. 3374-3381
В современных условиях развивается процесс трансформации мирового порядка. В этой связи наблюдается тенденция формирования нового центра силы в Латинской Америке. Крупнейшей страной региона является Бразилия, которая имеет наибольший потенциал для формирования регионального центра. Несмотря на то, какое правительство придет в стране к власти, неизменным останется стремление Бразилии выступать в качестве латиноамериканского центра силы. Однако на этом пути имеется ряд проблем. Становление Бразилии в качестве регионального латиноамериканского центра зависит от способности решать эти проблемы.
In: International Organisations Research Journal, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 7-24
ISSN: 2542-2081
During its 72-year history, China has gone through a difficult path of changing the diplomatic strategies of relations with the outside world. The first period, thirty years from 1949 to 1978, was ideological, directed by Mao Zedong and completely ignored international organizations (IOs). The second, the next 30 years (1978-2008) - economic, which was determined by Deng Xiaoping's policy of reforms and opening up, and the gradual embedding of the PRC in the IOs. Now China is implementing the third, political stage under the leadership of Xi Jinping, who set the country with the tasks of great power diplomacy and the formation of new / alternative international structures in which it plays a leading role and has a real impact on the future model of the system of international relations. The formation of the PRC in 1949 and the Korean War (1950-1953) that followed soon after, where Chinese "volunteer" soldiers fought with the united UN forces, blocked the possibility of contacts between the PRC and this universal international organization for two decades. The country's internal problems in the form of a "cultural revolution" also did not contribute to the solution of this problem. Even the restoration of the PRC's rights in the UN in 1971, the establishment of diplomatic relations with the United States in 1979, and Deng Xiaoping's reforms could not significantly accelerate the PRC's accession to other international organizations. This process took about twenty more years and, on the whole, ended only in 2001 with the entry into the WTO. In the 21st century, especially after the 2008 global financial crisis, China began to actively use existing and create new international organizations with partner countries. The purpose of the article is to analyze the Chinese academic discourse on the problem of relations between the PRC and international organizations and international system, where Western countries, headed by the United States, dominate to this day, and China does not see a prospect for itself to take a place worthy of its complex power. The article examines the history of the formation of relations between the PRC and international system, identifies the reasons for the dissatisfaction of the PRC with its status in its structures and traces the process of creating international organizations in which China occupies a dominant position and in global competition with the United States can influence the future model of the world.
In: Almanach via Evrasia, 3
SSRN
In: Berkeley Forum in the Humaniti
In: Political science research and methods: PSRM, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 467-488
ISSN: 2049-8489
In this paper, we investigate the causes and consequences of institutional design choices in the liberalization of services trade and investment in preferential trade agreements (PTAs). We distinguish between a positive-list and a negative-list approach to services liberalization, and analyze PTAs signed by countries of the Asia-Pacific. We develop an information-based argument that explains why these different types induce path dependence in subsequent choices, and derive hypotheses that capture the "history" effect of choosing either institutional model. In doing so, we examine whether particular "modes of governance" diffuse through the growing network of trade agreements through the adoption of rules by third parties in their own PTAs. The empirical analysis tests these hypotheses using simulation-based dynamic network analysis methods. We find evidence of strong path dependence in the choice of liberalization approach, affecting the evolution of PTA networks in the Asia-Pacific and the diffusion of services liberalization in general. Such path dependence has long-term consequences for the institutional features of the international trade regime.
Intro -- Contents -- Part I: SOCIETY -- Chapter 1 THE STRUCTURE OF RUSSIAN SOCIETY -- The Nobility as Ruling Class -- Ruling Class and Society -- Russian Society as Command Structure -- Chapter 2 SOCIAL GROUPS -- Nobility -- Townsmen -- Peasantry -- Chapter 3 POLITICAL APPARATUS AND BUREAUCRACY -- The Officer Corps -- The Civilian Apparatus -- The Secretarial and Clerical Staffs -- Part II: INSTITUTIONS -- Chapter 4 THE FOUNDATIONS: 1689-1725 -- On the Road to Poltava -- The Experiment with Regionalism -- The Restoration of Central Government -- Chapter 5 THE RULE OF THE EMPRESSES: 1725-1796 -- Families and Councils -- Senate, Procurator General, and Colleges -- Local Government -- Chapter 6 CONSOLIDATING THE FOUNDATIONS: 1796-1825 -- The Military Establishment -- The Civilian Government -- Local Government -- Part III: POLICE -- Chapter 7 POLICE ORGANIZATION -- Central Agencies -- Local Agencies -- Police Forces -- Chapter 8 CONCEPT AND SCOPE OF POLICE ADMINISTRATION -- General Principles -- Police as Municipal Administration -- Police as General Administration -- Chapter 9 THE POLITICAL POLICE -- Policing the Ruling Elite -- Policing the Rest of Society -- Policing the Printed Word -- Part IV: JUSTICE -- Chapter 10 COURTS AND PROCEDURES -- Central Courts -- Local Courts -- Judicial Procedure -- Chapter 11 CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS -- Attitudes and Sources -- Crimes -- Punishments -- Chapter 12 CIVIL LAW -- Property -- Inheritance -- Government Contracts -- Part V: FINANCE -- Chapter 13 FINANCIAL AGENCIES -- Management and Auditing -- Treasury, Mint, and Banks -- Local Agencies -- Chapter 14 TAXATION -- Direct Taxation -- Indirect Taxation -- Taxation in Kind -- Chapter 15 BUDGET MAKING -- The Budget in Figures -- Budget Procedure: Drawing Up the Budget -- Budget Procedure: Executing the Budget -- Chapter 16 CONCLUSION -- Notes -- Bibliography.
This is the first comprehensive examination of the Russian ruling elite and its political institutions during an important period of state building, from the emergence of Russia on the stage of world politics around 1700 to the consolidation of its position after the victory over Napoleon. Instead of focusing on the great rulers of the period--Peter, Catherine, and Alexander--the work examines the nobility which alone could make their power effective. LeDonne not only gives a full chronological account of the development of bureaucratic, military, economic, and political institutions in Russia.