Suchergebnisse

It is the purpose of this thesis to show that there was a general demand for Adult education in Harris County during the pre-war days. Further that the school authorities thought that Harris County should take a leading part in reducing illiteracy. Prior to this time, no provision had been made for pupils who dropped out of school, many of whom were gainfully employed, but who were lacking inefficiency. Those in authority felt that since the Houston plan of government was decidedly democratic it was their duty to provide opportunities for those who could not attend during the regular hours allotted for school purposes. Thus the establishment of free night school became a necessity. For a number of years, private night schools had existed, but at host, they fulled to meet the needs of the masses. During the early years of the school, the literary work was confined to the essentials reading, writing, arithmetic, and English. Later industrial classes '.ere provided by the school board and encouragement given in several educational pursuits. Following the world war, the contest between man and machinery become more evident than before and greater efficiency was required of men in all lines. Men in all walks of life felt it necessary to increase their power of achievement and in many instances! the necessary training was supplied to the night schools.

In this study of the voting behavior of the Texas Negro, the main features of the Negro pop in Texas are reviewed including the course of Negro registration. The city & the Ru dweller are dealt with separately. The city Negro is seen to comprise an effective & stable bloc towards the liberal Democrats, esp if he is strong pro-civil rights & they favor candiates of Negro or Latin extraction. Evidence on the Ru voter is difficult to gather & generalizations may not hold for wide areas, & one must examine the sociol & psychol of the 'southern way of life'. The Ru Negro appears to be bound by racial relationships & does not cast a free, self-willed vote; their submissiveness & passivity may not easily be changed. They are insular in outlook & resistant to change, & inferiority is felt deeply by them. IPSA.

The right hand men of the revolution : Albemarle's free black war veterans -- Children of the revolution : post-war free black families, property, and community -- Good blacks and useful men : reputation and free black mobility -- "I'll show you what a free Negro is" : black-on-white violence in Albemarle -- Bawdy houses and women of ill fame : free black women, prostitution, and family -- An easy morality : community knowledge of interracial sex

Favorable econ forces are essential to the realization of the objectives of the Negro (Ne) protest, & during the 1950's, econ forces were unfavorable: educ was grossly inferior; technological changes ejected Ne's from agriculture & from mfg production jobs; unemployment rates rose; the Ne man's econ position fell relative to the white man's. In the future, technological change will create new occup's free of vested interests opposing admission of Ne's. Losing unskilled labor while gaining capital, Southern Ur employment & wage rates will rise; gov will provide nondiscriminatory employment opportunities, & Ne's will utilize military training & gov employment experience to find work in the private economy. Declining birth rates will improve home environments, & Ne purchasing power, concentrating in cities, will press nondiscriminatory employment policies upon employers. Ne's admitted to corporate manag's will acquire experience permitting them to set up their own businesses. Most important, high-employment business stability will maintain an econ environment favoring rational-nondiscriminatoryuse of the Ne potential, while every program reducing unemployment rates will make that environment even more favorable. HA.

The tradition of protest has been present in every generation of Negroes since the 17th cent. During slavery hundreds of petitions for freedom were appealed through the courts to the highest tribunals of the states. Free Negroes also resisted discrimination & segregation before the Civil War through court action as well as more direct methods. Contemporary protest is a culmination of this tradition & has reached a climax after a cent-long effort to implement the constitutional guarantees of full citizenship in the Civil War Amendments. The massive nature of resistance to discrimination is due in part to a changing self-image & in part to a redefinition of constitutional rights by the Supreme Court. The failure of legal processes in parts of the South to facilitate these changes has led to the growth of militant protest movements & to new forms of expression of protest. The most signif of these movements is nonviolent action in the face of terrorism, calculated to arouse the nat'l conscience & bring about increasing federal intervention to ensure the protection of constitutional rights. Events in Alabama & Mississippi vividly illustrate the breakdown of legal processes & the need for more vigorous action by the federal gov. HA.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: "Song of Her Possibilities"-Black Women's Voices in the American Intellectual Tradition -- Part I: Black Women Intellectuals in the 19th and 20th Centuries -- Part II: Black Women Intellectuals in the New Negro Era -- Part III: Black Women Intellectuals in the Civil Rights Black-Power Era -- Part IV: Black Women Intellectuals in the Post-Civil Rights Era -- Part V: Black Women Intellectuals in the Public Square -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Part I: Black Women Intellectuals in the 19th and 20th Centuries -- Chapter 1. Black Women, Black Ink: The "Word" of Black Women Abolitionist Feminisms -- A "Share of the Obligation" -- Word is Born -- The Holy Book of Life -- Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Chapter 2. "To Make Myself and My People Whole": Ida B. Wells as a Public Intellectual -- Ida B. Wells as a Public Intellectual? -- Black Women Intellectuals in Historical Perspective -- Ideas and Intellectuals in the Public Sphere -- Wells as Intellectual in the Public Sphere -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Chapter 3. A Presence and a Voice: Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin and the Black Women's Club Movement -- Ideological Differences within the NACW -- Ruffin, Ridley, and the Woman's Era -- The Atlanta Exposition -- Organic Intellectuals in the Woman's Era Transforming the Public Sphere -- Ideological Schisms after the Atlanta Exposition -- Ruffin's Continued Radical Discourse -- Mary Church Terrell and the "Inward Focus" -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Part II: Black Women Intellectuals in the New Negro Era -- Chapter 4. "Never . . . Let Color Interfere": The Insurgent Black Intellectual Writing of Jessie Redmon Fauset -- Fauset's Place in the Pantheon of Black Intellectual History -- Art and Social Justice in There Is Confusion.

Favorable economic forces are essential to the realization of the objectives of the Negro protest. During the 1950's, economic forces were unfavorable: Negro education was grossly inferior to white; technological changes ejected Negroes from agriculture and from manufacturing production jobs; un employment rates rose. During these years, the Negro man's economic position fell relative to the white man's. In the future, several economic forces will aid Negroes: Technological change will create new occupations free of vested interests opposing admission of Negroes. Losing unskilled labor while gaining capital, Southern urban employment and wage rates will rise, benefiting Negroes as well as whites. Government will provide nondiscriminatory employment opportunities, and Ne groes will utilize military training and government employment experience to find work in the private economy. Declining birth rates will reduce pressure on unskilled wages and will im prove home environments of poor Negroes' children. Negro purchasing power, concentrating in cities, will press nondis criminatory employment policies upon employers. Negroes admitted to corporate managements will acquire experience permitting them to set up their own businesses. Most im portant, high-employment business stability will maintain an economic environment favoring rational—nondiscriminatory— use of the Negro potential, while every program reducing un employment rates will make that environment even more favorable.

The tradition of protest has been present in every generation of Negroes since the seventeenth century. During slavery hundreds of petitions for freedom were appealed through the courts to the highest tribunals of the states. Free Negroes also resisted discrimination and segregation before the Civil War through court action as well as more direct methods. Contemporary protest is a culmination of this tradition and has reached a climax after a century-long effort to implement the constitutional guarantees of full citizenship in the Civil War Amendments. The massive nature of resistance to discrimina tion is due in part to a changing self-image and in part to a redefinition of constitutional rights by the Supreme Court. The failure of legal processes in parts of the South to facilitate these changes has led to the growth of militant protest move ments and to new forms of expression of protest. The most significant of these movements is nonviolent action in the face of terrorism, calculated to arouse the national conscience and bring about increasing federal intervention to ensure the pro tection of constitutional rights. Events in Alabama and Mis sissippi vividly illustrate the breakdown of legal processes and the need for more vigorous action by the federal government.