Suchergebnisse

Considers the lessons learned from the Rwandan genocide on its tenth anniversary. The new Rwandan Constitution is geared toward addressing the social damage, the danger to peace and stability posed by an ideology of ethnic exclusiveness, the question of justice for those who committed crimes of genocide, and aid provision to genocide survivors. The inaction and impotence of the United Nations in 1994 is noted, along with the role of the mass media and external forces in the genocide.

A critique of the proclamation by the US government that recent events in Darfur qualify as "genocide." It is acknowledged that, following the letter of the 1948 Genocide Convention, these events do, indeed, seem to represent genocide. However, in practice, the term has generally been used in more extreme cases than the majority of cases that could be justified by the Convention alone. Determining that a genocide has occurred in Darfur responded to a range of pressure groups who, it is claimed, subscribe to an "interventionist narrative" that falsely imagines the US is normally responsible for putting an end to genocide and that it can and should continue to do so. This determination also serves an ulterior motive of attacking Muslim Arabs who are seen as terrorists, while imposing an Arab-African dichotomy that is particularly inaccurate in Darfur. Because of the external imposition of this dichotomy, conflict between people labeled according to it may worsen.

Never again' stands as one the central pledges of the international community following the end of the Second World War, upon full realization of the massive scale of the Nazi extermination programme. Genocide stands as an intolerable assault on a sense of common humanity embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other fundamental international instruments, including the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and the United Nations Charter. And yet, since the Second World War, the international community has proven incapable of effectively preventi

This comprehensive introduction to the study of war and genocide presents a disturbing case that the potential for slaughter is deeply rooted in the political, economic, social and ideological relations of the modern world. Most accounts of war and genocide treat them as separate phenomena. This book thoroughly examines the links between these two most inhuman of human activities. It shows that the generally legitimate business of war and the monstrous crime of genocide are closely related. This is not just because genocide usually occurs in the midst of war, but because genocide is a form of w.

I demonstrate how the destruction of the land, water, and nonhuman beings of the Americas constitutes genocide according to Indigenous metaphysics and through analysis of the decimation of the American buffalo. In Genocide Studies, the destruction of nonhuman beings and nature is typically treated as a separate, but related type of phenomenon—ecocide, the destruction of nonhuman nature. In this article I follow in the footsteps of Native American and First Nations scholars to argue that ecocide and the genocide of Indigenous peoples are inextricably linked and are even constitutive of the same act. I argue that if justice is to be achieved for Indigenous peoples through the UN's ability to prosecute genocide then the definition of genocide needs to, at minimum, include ecocide as a recognized act.

Since the end of the Second World War in 1945, most wars have been civil wars. This book considers how civil wars start, how they are funded and fought and the catastrophic effects they have on the civilians living in the countries involved. It also looks at the atrocities described as genocides, the attempts to destroy an ethnic, religious, national or racial group. It asks readers to think about what they can do to help victims and their families, such as supporting charities who help people to find sustainable ways of living in the aftermath of a civil war.