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The need to study the historical roots of the household is gradually becoming accepted, although as yet methods of approach are still being developed and debated. For the student of the mid-nineteenth century, the census enumerators' books provide basic data for such an enquiry. They give the occupation, marital status, age and birth place for every member of each household in all registration districts throughout the country. In order to exploit this information effectively, a sophisticated methodology is required. One has been suggested by Dr W. A. Armstrong. It involves selecting a sample of households from a district, and translating the information thus gained into numerical form, which can then be placed onto punched cards. By sorting them mechanically it becomes possible to make a whole series of quantitative statements about the households, such as their mean sizes, the numbers headed by widows, etc. This method has attracted some support, but it has not been without its critics. Some have voiced general scepticism about "quantitative" history; others have questioned specific points. In rejoinders Armstrong has backed up his arguments with illustrations from his researches into York as well as with some of my own Nottinghamshire results. However, these discussions have been conducted in something of a vacuum. This is an indication that there is now room

This study approaches the history of household patterns in early modern Europe from the perspective of Wallersteinian world-system theory. It is shown that the European core during this time was characterized predominantly by simple nuclear households. By contrast, the European periphery and semiperiphery were far more likely to be characterized by complex households. We explain these relationships in terms of the mode of labor control predominating in each zone of the world-economy. Simple nuclear households become the norm where labor is being freed from traditional feudal bonds and where capitalist labor markets exist. Complex households are most likely to persist under traditional feudal relationships because they constitute adaptations to the labor needs that arise under such circumstances. Complex households are also common, although somewhat less so, where sharecropping is a predominant mode of labor control.

Abstract The changing impact of industry, household structure, and residence on household well‐being during the 1980s is examined with data from the Current Population Survey for 1981–1982 and 1990–1991. Findings indicate that household well‐being was greatest for those families relying on traditional higher‐wage industries (high‐wage manufacturing, government, mining). The well‐being of families relying on higher‐wage services was lower, most likely a consequence of the prevalence of marginal and low‐paying jobs in the service sector. Rewards associated with employment in construction and low‐wage manufacturing were not consistently greater than those associated with employment in low‐wage services. While changes in the impact of industry were minor, significant changes occurred in the impact of an additional earner on economic well‐being over the decade. Results indicate that increasing hardship has been experienced by vulnerable populations, such as nonmetropolitan and single‐headed families, and minority households, particularly Hispanics. Implications for economic development strategies and work‐related assistance programs are highlighted.

During the period 1880-1930 Iceland was transformed from a society dominated by rural farming to an urbanized society heavily dependent on fishing and fish processing. This article examines the effects of this development on demographic behavior and household structure in three geographically distinct coastal districts with economies based on different types of fishing. Urbanization and the growth of the fishing industry increased marriage prospects and reduced the mean age at marriage. For most of the period fertility in the three districts exceeded the national average. However, the same also applied to infant mortality and mortality in general. Kinship and friendship networks appear to have played an important role in the growing fishing towns. Household structure in the districts varied considerably before 1880 and was largely influenced by the labor requirement of different types of fishing. In contrast, household structure was fairly similar in the three towns in 1930 and did not exhibit any distinctive features which could be identified as directly influenced by the labor requirements of fishing.

Abstract
Governments in sub-Saharan African countries aim to increase married women's household decision-making autonomy as it remains a critical determinant of desirable health behaviours such as healthcare utilisation, antenatal care visits, and safer sex negotiation. However, very few studies explore how household structure (i.e., monogamous or polygamous) is associated with married women's household decision-making autonomy. Our paper seeks to address this gap. Using the 2019–20 Mauritania Demographic and Health Survey, a nationally representative dataset, and applying logistic regression analysis, we explore how married women's household structure is associated with their household decision-making autonomy. We find that 9% of married women are in polygamous marriages, while 63% and 65% are involved in decision-making about their health and large household purchases, respectively. Additionally, 76% and 56% are involved in decision-making about visiting family or relatives and household expenditures. After accounting for socio-economic and demographic factors, we find that compared to women from monogamous households, those from polygamous households are less likely to participate in decision-making about their health (OR=0.65, p < 0.001), making large household purchases (OR=0.65, p < 0.001), visiting family or relatives (OR=0.72, p < 0.001), and household expenditure (OR=0.58, p < 0.001). Based on our findings, we recommend the urgent need to review and re-evaluate policies and approaches seeking to promote gender equality and women's autonomy in Mauritania. Specifically, it may be critical for intervention programmes to work around reducing power imbalances in polygamous household structures that continue to impact married women's household decision-making autonomy adversely. Such interventions should centre married women's socio-economic status as a central component of their empowerment strategies in Mauritania.