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The article analyzes the approaches of the United States and Japan to the international political problems in the Indo-Pacific region at the beginning of the administration of the 46th President of the United States Joe Biden in 2021. It also aims to evaluate the perspectives of US-Japan cooperation in key areas. The article analyses the policies of the United States and Japan towards China. Japan supported J. Biden's approach to confront China on a wide range of issues. By actively involving in the US-China confrontation government in Tokyo aims to strengthen its position in rivalry with China. However, it will not be easy for Japan to preserve the achievements of the "warm" period in Japan-China relations in 2018-2020 in the economic and humanitarian spheres. The article also analyses the approaches of the US and Japan to the situation on the Korean Peninsula, including the prospects for cooperation between Tokyo, Washington and Seoul towards DPRK. Difficult-to-resolve contradictions between Tokyo and Seoul in a short-term perspective will hinder large-scale cooperation of the parties with Washington. The article also analyses the perspectives of the concept of "Free and open Indo-Pacific region". Tokyo which sees the concept of "Free and open Indo-Pacific region" as a response to the expansion of Beijing's influence in the region, is interested in developing economic cooperation with partners aimed at weakening dependence on China. The article also notes the increased importance of Japan in the United States' Indo-Pacific strategy in the eyes of a number of American politicians and experts.

With Indo-Pacific being the stage for US-China strategic influence, South East Asia's geopolitical scenario is likely to be transformed considerably. By declaring India as a Net Security Provider, the US has backed its outreach in the region by officially adjoining Pacific and Indian Oceans as the Indo-Pacific region. Major countries of the region including China, Russia, India, and Pakistan are in the phase of diversifying and reconfiguring their relationships. Within this scenario, Pakistan and India are likely to pursue their strategic interests that take them in opposite directions. While the US endows India with its strategic partner status, CPEC in Pakistan has emerged as a litmus test for China's BRI. The contestation is to have a direct bearing on the strategic matrix of South Asia generally and Pakistan particularly. This qualitative research under the framework of realist/neo-realist and complex interdependence's assumptions undertakes to account for this Sino-US strategic convergence and competition that is leading to a security dilemma in South Asia with implications for Pakistan. It concludes cooperation between the US and China is to enhance Pakistan's security both internal and external while competition is to erode it. Alongside, this paper formulates some policy options for Pakistan's decisionmakers for ensuring the security and socio-economic development of the country.

Bibliography Entry
Younus, Khadija. 2020. "Strategic Convergence and Competition in the Indo-Pacific Region: Policy Options for Pakistan." Margalla Papers 24 (1): 81-96.

Japan has historically been a major player within the Indo-Pacific region due to its rapid post-war economic expansion, technological advancement, massive overseas development aid as well as its cultural outreach. As the Indo-Pacific today is marred with various challenges in the form of maritime and energy security, border conflicts, booming population, developing economies, and rising carbon emissions, among others. The region requires a multipolar balance of power wherein nations can lead by example and concerted action towards creating a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable future for an extensively dynamic Indo-Pacific. This paper focuses on one of the critical variables of the region, i.e., the energy sector, and attempts to place Japan's role and contribution to the region's ongoing energy transitions. The extent and means through which Japan can propel itself and the region towards a just transition with the help of regional and international cooperation have been analysed. (Pac Rev / GIGA)

The ties between India and the countries in the Indo‐Pacific region go back to the pre‐Christian era. Even today, Indian influence on the language, customs, and rituals is visible in Southeast Asia. The Hindu concepts of kingship, administrative institutions, and ceremonies that became deeply embedded in the royal culture of Southeast Asia were disrupted with the arrival of the colonial powers. These traditional linkages have become the key element of India's diplomacy—the "Look East" and the "Act East" policies. This article studies the background of India's sustained public and cultural diplomacy policy in bridging the gap between India, East Asia, and the Indo‐Pacific countries in the context of the Act East policy. Using examples from Modi's yoga diplomacy, Bollywood, and Indian cultural festivals, the authors propose that these initiatives should be seen as part of a historical and traditional concept of "paraspara"—mutually sustainable and reciprocal diplomacy that taps into the opportunities in the Indo‐Pacific region.

"More than twenty Indo-Pacific scholars and emerging experts come together in this definitive volume to deliver fresh perspectives and original research on maritime cooperation and security. With subjects ranging from the Philippines to Antarctica, Coast Guards to climate change, these essays pay tribute to the late Commodore Sam Bateman (PhD) while laying the academic groundwork for the improved policies and behaviours that provide for improved good order at sea"--

Mongolia's security primarily depends on how the country develops respective bilateral relations with its neighbors and great powers including the United States. In this sense, it is important to examine U.S. foreign policy, in particular, its Asia policy as well as interests pursued by Washington while promoting bilateral relations with Mongolia, as the nexus between those parties should be considered in foreign policymaking of Mongolia. On the other hand, relations with Mongolia has been a part of U.S. policy towards the Asia-Pacific region. However, under the leadership of President Trump, the U.S. administration re-defined its policy towards the region by replacing Asia-Pacific with the label of Indo-Pacific. Only two years later since Mongolia and the United States marked the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations, the two countries elevated their ties to a strategic partnership in 2019. In this article, the authors seek to explain what is the Indo-Pacific partnership and express their views.
Энэтхэг-Номхон далайн бүс дэх АНУ-ын гадаад бодлого ба Монгол Улс, АНУ-ын стратегийн түншлэл
Хураангуй: Монгол Улсын аюулгүй байдалд эерэг, сөрөг нөлөө бүхий байдал үүсэх нь хоёр хөрш болон АНУ-тай харилцаагаа хэрхэн төлөвшүүлэх, тэдгээрийн ашиг сонирхлын шүтэлцээнд хэрхэн оролцохоос хамаарна. Иймээс Америкийн гадаад бодлого, харилцаа холбоог судлах нь түүний Азид явуулж буй бодлого, түүний дотор Монголтой харилцаж буй ашиг сонирхлын уялдааг судлах, улмаар Монгол Улсын АНУ-тай харилцах бодлогыг тодорхойлоход чухал. Нөгөө талаар, Монгол Улстай харилцах нь АНУ-ын Ази, Номхон далайн бүс нутагт чиглэсэн бодлогын нэг хэсэг байсаар ирсэн. Ерөнхийлөгч Д.Трампын засаг захиргаа дээр дурдсан бүс нутгийн нэршил, ойлголтыг өөрчлөн энэ бүс нутагт чиглэсэн бодлогоо Энэтхэг-Номхон далайн стратеги хэмээн тодорхойлох болов. 1987 онд дипломат харилцаа тогтоон, гурван жилийн өмнө дипломат харилцаа тогтоосны 30 жилийн ойг өргөн хүрээнд тэмдэглэсэн Монгол-АНУ-ын харилцаа 2019 онд шат ахин "Стратегийн түншлэл" болон хэлбэржлээ. Энэхүү өгүүллийн эхний хэсэгт АНУ-ын дэвшүүлсэн Энэтхэг-Номхон далайн стратеги гэгч юу болох, энэхүү стратегийн хүрээнд Монгол-АНУ харилцааны онцлог байдлын талаар судлаачийн байр сууриа илэрхийлэв.
Түлхүүр үгс: АНУ, Энэтхэг-Номхон далай, Монгол Улс, гуравдагч хөршийн бодлого, стратегийн түншлэл

This article examines the transformation of the US approaches to the implementation of foreign policy in Indo-Pacific region. It is noteworthy that with the change in the approaches of the US leadership to the structuring of the regional subsystem through the creation and maintenance of allied relations with a number of states in the region, the goal remains unchanged — ensuring security in the region while maintaining US leadership. At the present stage, the implementation of this goal is hindered by the growing influence of China in the Indo-Pacific region.
The authors of the article focused on identifying criteria that allow assessing the current situation in the region and the effectiveness of existing cooperation between the United States and the countries of the Indo-Pacific region within the framework of organizations and agreements. The research was conducted on the basis of an analysis of the behaviour of some regional players who have agreements with the United States and position themselves as their allies. The criteria for the study were the following aspects: participation in military exercises, the deployment of military bases, signed defence agreements, the availability of information exchange in the field of military technology, the presence of nuclear weapons, the absence of territorial claims at sea and participation in shipping operations. The authors analysed national documents, according to them it was possible to characterize the attitude of countries to the United States, China, as well as to identify the point of view of regional players on the security architecture in Indo-Pacific region and threats significant for the stability of this structure. The study proposed by the authors makes it possible to study the problems of ensuring security in the region, to identify the peculiarities of US policy in the studied space, to determine the tools of the United States to maintain its positions in Indo-Pacific region, as well as to assess the readiness of the allied countries to confront China together with the United States. In conclusion, the authors assess the effectiveness of the transformation of the US-centered regional security system in Indo-Pacific region.

The first India-EU Maritime Dialogue was held on January 20, 2021. It featured consultations on issues such as the maritime security environment and the enhancement of regional cooperation. The dialogue took place within the larger framework of India-EU Strategic Partnership, in accordance with its Roadmap to 2025. This development comes at a time when the Indo-Pacific as a regional construct is gaining prominence in world politics. The Indo-Pacific, a confluence of the Indian and Pacific oceans forming a single geopolitical construct, is the most populous region of the world – and one-third of the world's trade in goods and energy crosses the region. The EU is a significant stakeholder in the area, as the majority of EU's exports to Asia-Pacific markets traverse the Indo-Pacific waters. The stability and security of vital sea lanes of communication in the area remain crucial for the EU. Similarly, India, being a responsible resident actor in the region, aspires for a free and open Indo-Pacific and is alarmed by the territorial aggression from its neighbour China, as well as by the latter's growing inroads and influence in New Delhi's neighbourhood. Taking these factors into account, and focusing on a dynamic security environment engulfing the Indo-Pacific region, one may ask: 'What objectives and goals should the Indo-EU Maritime Cooperation entail in the larger region?' […]

In June 2019, ASEAN adopted a document known as the 'ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific.' The document provided guidelines of how ASEAN will be relevant amid the great power politics in the Indian and Pacific Oceans, and how ASEAN will continue its vision of ASEAN centrality in the conduct of international relations in Southeast Asia. This article provides the foundational basis of possible research agendas related to the Indo-Pacific Region and its correlation to the regional norms of ASEAN. It concludes that several questions that have arisen in relation to the Indo-Pacific region and ASEAN includes, but not limited to; (1) what contemporary dynamics have occurred in the Indo-Pacific region? and (2) how is ASEAN still relevant in the context of the Indo-Pacific region?

The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) comprises of likeminded countries India, Australia, US and Japan. It is a significant player in the Indo-Pacific region amidst a growing Chinese influence. This research paper assesses the effectiveness of Quad in the maritime containment of China. The paper also circulates around individual national interests that may hinder the effectiveness of Quad while also underscoring its limitations. The research was conducted using a qualitative research method. Secondary sources such as journal articles, news, and official joint statements by the alliance were consulted to formulate this paper. The alliance is subjugated to the potential impact on the future of the Indo-Pacific region. Lastly, its effectiveness is quite uncertain towards a counter balancing China and its significant implications for regional security and freedom of navigation. In terms of future prospects, the maritime security and its threats will keep on changing with evolving time.