Suchergebnisse

AbstractThis article provides a summary analysis of the topical question of how far the Security Council may derogate from occupation law. The answer is that the Council may not derogate from those provisions of IHL that are of a specifically humanitarian nature (humanitarian ordre public), that derogations from international law or IHL are in any case not to be presumed and that the Council has not derogated in any way from occupation law in the case of the occupation of Iraq since 2003.

Front Cover -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- Overview -- The Context for Iraq's Reconstruction -- The International Response to Iraq's Reconstruction Needs -- Reconstruction's Impact on Iraq's Economy and Job Creation -- The Reconstruction of Infrastructure, Human Capital, and Social Services -- Governance, Institutional Reform, and Private Sector Development -- Lessons for International Donors and Organizations -- Recommendations for Future Reconstruction -- Methodology -- References -- Chapter 1 Reconstruction Challenges in Iraq -- Introduction -- Security -- Institutions -- The Economy -- Annex 1A: Phases of Iraqi Reconstruction, March 2003 to June 2014 -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 2 International Engagement in the Reconstruction of Iraq -- Overview of International Actors -- Key Actors in the International Response -- Challenges to the International Response -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 3 The Reconstruction of Iraqi Infrastructure and Human Capital -- The Electricity Sector -- The Oil Sector -- The Education Sector -- The Health Sector -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 4 Institution Building, Governance Reform, and Private Sector Development -- Capacity Development and Institution Building -- Governance Reform: Decentralization and Local Governance -- Governance Reform: Tackling Corruption -- Private Sector Development -- Annex 4A: Disputes over Decentralization in Iraq -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 5 Lessons Learned from the Reconstruction of Iraq -- Working with National Institutions and Cultivating National Ownership -- Effective Implementation in Insecure Environments -- Improving the Effectiveness of Donor Funding for Reconstruction -- Enhancing Accountability in Reconstruction -- Improving the Assessment Process and Prioritization -- Donor Coordination with National Institutions.

South Africa's status and prestige as a country that successfully and unilaterally disarmed its weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programme enabled it to engage with the Saddam government of Iraq in the months leading up to the US-led invasion of March 2003. Following intense international diplomatic efforts, Saddam Hussein had agreed to allow UN and International Atomic Energy Agency weapons inspectors to enter Iraq in November 2002. Acting outside the UN Security Council, the US and its coalition partners maintained that Iraq continued to maintain and produce WMD, a claim refuted by weapons inspectors, including a South African disarmament team that visited Iraq in February 2003. Employing three diplomatic strategies associated with niche diplomacy, South Africa contributed to attempts to avert the invasion by assisting with the orderly disarmament of Saddam-led Iraq and by practising multilateralism. These strategies, notwithstanding the US-led invasion signalling a failure of South Africa's niche diplomacy in this instance, provide valuable insight into the nuclear diplomacy of South Africa. Adapted from the source document.

This highly decorated and highly visible author is revising his first edition of The Terrorists of Iraq in the wake of the most recent turmoil effecting the country. His new edition contains valuable insight to many of the terrorist groups in the region including ISIS, which is being talked about on nearly every news outlet today. The book will continue to draw on the historical analyses, examinations of organizations/weapons/strategy and tactics, and policy recommendations included in the first edition- but, will add valuable insight learned from the most recent crisis and the changes that have occurred in the last 6 years since its publication. --

The Article reflects on the influence and distortion of mass media in modern days. Its original role of a bearer of truth, accurate information and its role, nowadays, used mainly to manipulate the audience to achieve a specific reaction. The overwhelming forces of media are illustrated on the examples of the American conflict with Iraq from 2003 to 2010 starting with the World Trade Centre Attack and ending with the opinion of the polish audience concerning the American-Iraqi confl ict. Th e article is divided in two parts, analyzing mass media and the foreign policy of George W. Bush over Iraq aft er September 11, 2001 and the role of US and Polish media in the process of citizens' preparation for the conflict in Iraq. Th e first part approaches the importance of mass media for U.S. foreign policy against Iraq, created by President George W. Bush, especially after the September 11, 2001. It shows also how far society is involved in the maintaining of this policy. The article focuses on the influence of media during conflicts and how the public opinion and military actions influence one another. The second part focused on the supposed role of media to inform and prepare the people for conflicts. Instead, the society is overwhelmed with information so the risk shows, that the necessary news get partially lost. To prove this distortion a survey was made showing an accordance to the given information with different newspapers, radio and TV stations. Regarding the increasing of fear and misleading public opinion the Polish media did not react differently than the American. This process resulted in the opinion of polish society that their military forces should join the conflict in order to protect their freedom and safety.

This report examines that issue as developed in customary international law and under the United Nations Charter.

This book contributes to understanding the political developments in Iraq between 2003 and 2014, through the lens of consociationalism, and contributes to understanding of why the Iraqi institutions, which were intended by the U.S. to have a broadly consociational character, have not looked and worked in that manner in practice.