Suchergebnisse

Latin America is a continent of underdeveloped countries by any criteria; U students are a privileged group. Analysis of the pol'al opposition within this group will use data from a study currently being prepared by S. M. Lipset for which the most thorough res on the behavior of U students in Latin America & probably anywhere else in the world has been undertaken. From these data it is possible to delineate an objective picture of the pol'al behavior of students in Latin America & the signif role they play as members of the emerging elites in the process of soc change. The study covers Mexico, Panama, Puerto Rico, Colombia, Paraguay & Uruguay; data from other countries such as Brazil have been incorporated. Data from Mexico, Panama, Puerto Rico & Colombia used here reveal a certain orientation which will probably hold true for the other countries studied & also for the rest of Latin America. It would appear that students may provide the 'conscience' of soc change but the means & actions must come from a combination of students & forces from other sectors; students opposition per se cannot change the soc structure of Latin America. IPSA.

The measures for promoting SE progress in Latin America (LA) the Alliance for Progress, need reevaluating, esp re relative emphasis placed on Ru & Ur problems. A failure to give due recognition to the Ur problems of LA Indust'al development took precedence over housing & municipal planning. It is only slowly realized that econ & soc change must develop together. But even now Ur land reform is at the bottom of the priorities. It is not fully realized that LA is not primarily a RU area, but has striking Ur predominance. The problems created by LA's rapid Ur'tion are enormous & SE unrest will continue under the present Ur conditions. Nat'l econ planning will have to include physical planning for cities. A major task is that nat'l planning bodies should perform within a democratic context; otherwise one of the major goals of the Alliance for Progress will be frustrated. IPSA.

A critical evaluation of the report presented by Raul Prebisch, an Argentinian econ'st, to the Econ Committee on Latin America at Mar del Plata (Argentina) in May 1963 under the title, 'Towards a Dynamic Development Policy for Latin America.' Prebisch's views are examined under the following heads: (1) defense of private enterprise; (2) state intervention; (3) agrarian reform; (4) econ planning; (5) changes in the SE structure; (6) foreign investments; (7) relationship of exchange prices; & (8) reduction of tariffs & possible devaluations. It is concluded that Prebisch does, indeed, consider Latin America's basic problems; but that his capitalist development model cannot provide adequate solutions. I. Langnas.

Econ development in the indust'al nations of the North was led by an always advancing technology. The society adjusted by increments to advances, & an ideology of free enterprise developed congruently. In the indust'al revolution, the Latin-Amer countries were an agrarian & mineral hinterland. Now that industr'ization is pressing on them, they cannot adapt rapidly to the influx of complex technology. They must reconstruct certain aspects of their society before the technology can operate at all. This means that soc inventions must precede the technological. Strong gov's must take this responsibility, since they are the only agents that operate with legitimate authority throughout the nation state. To date in Latin Amer, only Mexico seems to have initiated the major steps that may permit it to move from a nation of 2ndary development patterns to primary ones. HA.

This study compares 5 Latin Amer countries: Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, Peru & Chile, in terms of modernity & pol'al development. Modernity is here distinguished from industr'ization, which is part of the braoder concept of modernization. Modernity as here used refers not to industr capacity but to the level of comfort & is measured by indices such as MD's & dentists per 1,000 pop, N of TV sets, amount of daily newspaper consumption & general availability of cultural & artistic resources. Pol'al development is measured by 3 components: a nation must have a viable & self-sustaining gov that can elicit support by persuasion or correction & has the loyalty of the people; the gov must be responsive to the needs of the pop & willing to satisfy them; & the pol'al community must see the gov as an arbiter on issues of nat'l survival & a judicious mediator among competing, usually organized soc groups. After comparing the 5 countries selected among each other, as well as with other countries of the world, on a variety of indices reflecting the 2 concepts used in this study, it is concluded that Chile ranks highest, closely followed by Mexico, & then by Peru, Argentina & Brazil. The text is illustrated with several tables. A. Peskin.

Suggested is an analytical perspective showing those substantive & environmental factors which give the state bureaucracies of Latin America their specific character. Pointed out is the emphasis placed on private organizations by those dealing with administrative & organizational questions, & its consequences for a study of state institutions. Taking state machinery as a separate unit of analysis, considered is its field of competence & action as an arena where political conflicts & historical processes take place, through a complex set of interactions that make the boundaries between state & civil society unclear, & increase the heterogeneity of the bureaucracy. The role of the state is reviewed, noting the intrinsically conflicting nature of the bureaucracy's functions & the way in which its performance & productivity should be understood. Bibliography. Modified AA.

An article in 5 parts: (1) Colonial Characteristics, (2) Nineteenth Century Elements, (3) Twentieth Century Factors, (4) Political Practices, & (5) Cautions and Conclusions. Since Independence Latin America has been a fermenting pol'al-soc laboratory, with a variety of factors keeping pol'al life unsettled. The influences on nat'l life, esp in the 19th cent, of the Catholic Church, the landed aristocracy, & the meddling military are discussed. In the 20th cent additional elements affected pol'al life, including a rising Mc, organized labor groups, & communist & leftists propagandists. Latin Amer constitutions have been varied & transient. Presidents & dictators have followed one another, sometimes in bewildering succession. The franchise has widened, pol'al factions have tended to increase in number & objectives, electoral practices have remained erratic, & pol'al campaigns have continued to be interesting, exciting & dangerous. Revolutions in Latin America are inevitable & frequently necessary. Into this volatile pol'al cauldron the US has introduced the concept of the 'Alliance for Progress' which, if not managed properly, may cause further Latin Amer unrest & quite possibly may permanently & severely affect US -Latin Amer relations. AA.

US influence has had a major role in the formation of Latin American political institutions, especially with respect to the separation of powers, the 2-chamber legislature, the central role of the president, & the requirement for periodic elections. European influences have been more marked in administrative organization & the legal system, & there have been some attempts to institute cabinet responsibility to the legislature. However, both models have been adapted to the idiosyncracies of the political dynamics of the region, especially to the frequency of dictatorship, rebellions, & other emergencies. Modified HA.

The explanation of industrial growth is expanded beyond the traditional SE variables of per capita income & population. Time-series regression analysis is used to show that government expenditures & policies of sectoral discrimination are important additional factors affecting industrialization in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, & Venezuela. Data are drawn from various UN & government sources. 1 Table, 43 References. Modified HA.