Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The Doctrine of Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources -- 3 Political Risk and the Effect of Stabilization Clauses in Concession Agreements -- 4 Stabilization Clauses and Human Rights Concerns -- 5 Stabilization Clauses and Gender Equality: A case Study of Zambia -- 6 Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Index.

Cover Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Figures -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1 Law, Space and Subjectivity -- 2 Violence of Urban Development -- 3 Construction of Squatter Settlements -- 4 Becoming 'Illegal' Urban Citizens -- 5 'Legitimate' Social Organization -- 6 Contested Boundaries of Infrastructure -- 7 Legitimate Domesticities -- 8 Visions of the Future -- Bibliography

La formación del estado y su ordenamiento jurídico se ha realizado por los varones con exclusión de las mujeres, la igualdad entre los hombres y las mujeres no ha sido un principio fundamental del derecho ni del sistema político. El derecho a la igualdad descansa sobre presupuestos de naturaleza cultural y filosófica que tratan al hombre como el sujeto universal y a la mujer como una categoría específica. La teoría feminista del derecho coincide en la crítica de estos presupuestos pero existen grandes diferencias en cuanto se pretende abordar un modelo teórico alternativo para resolver la desigualdad de género-sexo. La aprobación de la Constitución, la adaptación del ordenamiento jurídico a los principios y valores constitucionales y el feminismo académico han posibilitado la aparición de los estudios de género en el ámbito del derecho. ; The formation of the State and its legal order has been undertaken by the male community with the result of female exclusion; neither the law nor the political system has considered equality between men and women as a fundamental principle. The right to equality lies on the questioning of the philosophical and cultural claims which consider men as the universal subject and women as a specific category. Within Feminist legal theory there are great differences when it comes to an alternative theoretical proposal to solve the problem of gender vs. sex. The proclamation of the Constitution, the adaptation of the legal framework to the principles and constitutional values, and academic feminism have made for the development of gender studies in the field of law.

The formation of the State and its legal order has been undertaken by the male community with the result of female exclusion; neither the law nor the political system has considered equality between men and women as a fundamental principle. The right to equality lies on the questioning of the philosophical and cultural claims which consider men as the universal subject and women as a specific category. Within Feminist legal theory there are great differences when it comes to an alternative theoretical proposal to solve the problem of gender vs. sex. The proclamation of the Constitution, the adaptation of the legal framework to the principles and constitutional values, and academic feminism have made for the development of gender studies in the field of law. ; La formación del estado y su ordenamiento jurídico se ha realizado por los varones con exclusión de las mujeres, la igualdad entre los hombres y las mujeres no ha sido un principio fundamental del derecho ni del sistema político. El derecho a la igualdad descansa sobre presupuestos de naturaleza cultural y filosófica que tratan al hombre como el sujeto universal y a la mujer como una categoría específica. La teoría feminista del derecho coincide en la crítica de estos presupuestos pero existen grandes diferencias en cuanto se pretende abordar un modelo teórico alternativo para resolver la desigualdad de género-sexo. La aprobación de la Constitución, la adaptación del ordenamiento jurídico a los principios y valores constitucionales y el feminismo académico han posibilitado la aparición de los estudios de género en el ámbito del derecho.

AbstractIran and Turkey, one an Islamic, the other a secular republic, are the more successful loci of women's participation in public life, both politically and economically, than are a number of other states whose population is largely Muslim. I suggest their relative success (as measured by World Bank and UNHDR data) may be due to similar transformative shifts from monarchy to republic. Historical examination of the cases of Turkey and Iran suggests that while the mobilization of women into political activity is crucial, it need not result in similar legal changes. Obviously, the right to vote is fundamental to political participation and exists for women in both countries. The comparison of the two republics suggests that, at least in Muslim-majority countries, a legal regime explicitly protecting gender rights may be less central to social change, including women's participation in public life, than is a history of women's mobilization in support of popular politics.

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- 1 Introduction -- Who Speaks? Who Can Be Heard? -- Contested Terms -- A Moral Responsibility -- Privileged Discourses -- Academic Disciplines and Methodology -- The Documentation -- References -- 2 Muslim Racialised Tropes: "Orientalism", Past and Present -- Introduction -- Constructing the Orient -- Edward Said-Grand Master -- Power-Who Speaks-Who Represents? -- Debating Said -- Contesting Said's Male Narrative -- "Orientalist" Tropes of Women: Past Contiguities -- The "Mahometan" "Backward" Woman in Early Feminist Tracts -- Woman - East /West Binarism in Anthropology -- Sexualised and "Orientalised" in the Western Male Psyche -- Contemporary Tropes - Women to Be Saved and Terrorists to Be Damned -- Polysemicity: Veiled Agency or Veiled Subornation -- Shifting Meaning-Terrorist Signatures: "Shamima Begum" -- Discipline, Control and Banish -- Conclusion: Women, Men, All Are Racialised -- References -- 3 Anti-Muslim Speech -- Introduction -- Power and the Word: Speech and Denial -- Speech Law-The Legal Governance of Speech Acts -- Words That Wound: UK, Race/Religious Speech Regulations and Freedoms -- Principles of Freedom and Speech -- Two Philosophical Positions -- Tolerating Hate Speech to Protect Speech Freedom -- Anti-Muslim Speech -- Brexit, "Trumpism" and "New Nationalism" -- Liberal Islamophobes -- Europe: Far-Right Anti-Muslim Nationalism -- Some Thoughts on Nationalism and Identity -- Anti-Muslim Women Speech -- Anti-Muslim Tropes Online, in Media, Film and "Satire" -- The Rise in Cyber-Islamophobia -- Fake News: The Birmingham 'Trojan Horse' Affair -- Deliberately Complicit: The Film Industry -- Cartoons and Satire-Your Laughter-My Insult -- Crushing the Counter-Narrative -- From Anti-Muslim Banter to Hate Crime -- Muslim Women, an Easy Target -- Online Offences -- Conclusion: Impacts and Consequences.

ABSTRACTAfter 1945 both German states overturned longstanding laws and policies from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that designated women as second-class citizens in spousal rights, parental authority and marital property. From the early postwar years, female politicians and activists in the women's movement pursued in both Germanys reforms of the obsolete marriage and family law. The article compares how these women and mainly male legislators in both states envisioned the role of women in the family and in gender relations. It shows that these debates in the FRG and the GDR were influenced on the one hand by earlier, pre-1933 ideas, and on the other hand reacted to Nazi-era politics. Yet, because of their different political, economic and social conditions, discourses and policies developed in the context of the Cold War in both states in different directions, though they continued to be related to each other.