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Mode of access: Internet. ; Updated by: Moody's municipals and governments, 1955-Oct. 16, 1964; Moody's municipals & governments news, Oct. 20, 1964-June 26, 1970; Municipal & government news reports, June 30-Sept. 8, 1970; Moody's municipal & government news reports, Sept. 11, 1970-June 1999; Moody's municipal & government news reports (Online), 1999. ; Subscription cancelled, Schaffner, 1975.

Includes index. ; "References" at end of each chapter. ; v. 1. Government.--v. 2. Administration. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Includes index. ; First published by the Century Co. in 1895. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Citation: Spilman, Harold Addison. Municipal government in Great Britain. Senior thesis, Kansas State Agricultural College, 1903. ; Morse Department of Special Collections ; Introduction: Within the last few years events in some of our larger cities have caused no little agitation regarding municipal government and municipal reform. That public attention should be turned to such matters is eminently proper, and in fact, necessary. Good municipal government is essential to the continued good government of a nation. To-day over one-third of our people reside in cities of over eight thousand inhabitants and as the country increases in age the percentage will increase. Anything which so directly affects the welfare of one-third of our population should deeply concern, not only that one-third, of our population should deeply concern, not only that one-third, but the other two-thirds as well. Bryce says that there are "two tests of the practical efficiency of the government of a city: what does it provide for the people and what does it cost the people. Measured by these tests, it has become more and more evident in recent years that municipal administration in this country is a disgraceful failure. A failure because the people have paid tens, perhaps hundreds, of thousands of dollars for that which could have cost them thousands only, and have received therefore inefficient police service, defective paving, poor work of every kind. Disgraceful because of the boodling and corruption and viciousness which have caused such extravagance. It would seem that, although we have given the world what is probably the most perfect form of national government, yet, in this matter of municipal administration we still have much to learn; and in this event it is but natural that we should turn to the older countries of Europe and see in what manner that have solved this problem. Naturally, in any such study, one looks first to the country from whose institutions are derived, in part, our own principles of government. And there we find a municipal administrative system which stands in marked contrast to our own.

Three major questions are asked in this research regarding women's representation in municipal government in Ontario: Why are there fewer women than men involved in Canadian politics? What factors contribute to this? Do the motivations for running for political office differ between males and females? These questions were answered by first providing a literature review on the relevant literature on women in Canadian politics. A historical look was then taken at women's representation in municipal government in Ontario to decipher if this had an effect on why fewer women run for municipal office in Ontario. Women's representation in municipal government in Ontario was then observed through analyzing statistics provided for the 1980-1988 municipal elections in Ontario. Generally women's representation increased during the 1980-1988 period, although at the end of the period, there was not a high percentage of women's representation. Interviews were then conducted with people had been involved in politics at the municipal level in Essex County in the past or were currently involved. The following conclusions can be drawn from this research. Women had a later start becoming involved in politics in Ontario and thus their representation in politics has been delayed. Once females had the opportunity to vote and run for elections they had female colleagues, which acted as an inhibiting factor for women running for politics. A lot of negative imagery surrounded women in the political arena from the media and society. Women were seen as electoral liabilities and not seen as serious politicians. The way in which women were socialized also acted as a deterrent for women to become involved in politics. Women were often fully in charge of child rearing responsibilities which did not allow them any extra time to become involved in politics. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)Dept. of History, Philosophy, and Political Science. Paper copy at Leddy Library: Theses & Major Papers - Basement, West Bldg. / Call Number: Thesis1995 .R67. Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 34-06, page: 2228. Adviser: Heather Maclvor. Thesis (M.A.)--University of Windsor (Canada), 1995.

AbstractThe central aim of this article is to examine trends in the municipal government workforce in metropolitan (urban) areas. It explores, from a local public economies perspective, how the intergovernmental organization of municipalities influences their workforce capacities. The article situates the local labor market in state‐local systems and examines how local governments respond to fragmentation in a metropolitan area. The main finding is that the employment capacity of municipalities varies widely across metro areas, with local and intergovernmental factors affecting municipal workforces and labor expenditures. Local capacities and the state's labor framework appear to be influential in the level of government employment. Facing various challenges, municipalities adapt their workforce levels to changing conditions in urban areas. While its main contribution is to research on local government capacity, the article also draws from the intergovernmental literature to identify factors that influence the workforce capacity of municipal governments.

Author has retained copyright of article. Article was deposited after permission was granted by CPLEA 03/01/2016