The Absolutism of Market Individualism
In: Economics and Utopia; Economics as Social Theory
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In: Economics and Utopia; Economics as Social Theory
In: Tudor Protestant Political Thought 1547-1603, p. 151-180
In: William & Mary Law Review, Forthcoming
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In: Revolution and the Republic, p. 66-107
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In: History workshop: a journal of socialist and feminist historians, Volume 30, Issue 1, p. 114-120
ISSN: 1477-4569
In: Lordship, Kingship, and Empire, p. 71-96
In: Social theory and practice: an international and interdisciplinary journal of social philosophy, Volume 42, Issue 3, p. 525-554
ISSN: 2154-123X
On 30 June 2021, Ohio state Governor, Mike DeWine, signed a Bill which would enact the state's budget for the next two years. In addition to its core funding imperatives, the Bill also contained an amendment significantly expanding entitlements of health care providers to conscientiously object to professional duties to provide controversial health care services. This amendment has been heavily criticised as providing the means to allow health care providers to discriminate against a wide range of persons by denying them access to often contested services such as abortion and contraception. In this paper, we examine the implications of this amendment and situate it in relation to other legislative actions intended to guarantee absolute rights to conscientious objection. In doing so, we argue that the entitlements extended to health care providers by these Bills are overly broad and ignore their potential to allow significant harm to be caused to clients. We then argue that if health care providers should have rights to conscientiously object (a question we do not try an answer here), then any legislation intended to protect such rights should be limited, specific, and parsimonious. Where it is not, the ideological liberty of HCPs treads dangerously on the physical freedom of their clients.
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In: 21st Century China Center Research Paper No. 2020-02
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Working paper
In: Political and popular culture in the early modern period no. 4
pt. 1. Royalists, republicans, patriarchalists : English thinkers at odds in the seventeenth century -- pt. 2. Absolutism, cynicism, patriotism : eighteenth-century enlightenment reflections -- pt. 3. Absolutism, monarchism, despotism in theory and practice : contested historiography and comparative approach -- pt. 4. Monarchy, the state of nature, religion and iconography in European perspective.
In: American political science review, Volume 74, Issue 1, p. 53-69
ISSN: 1537-5943
Many of Locke's early writings have been discovered and published in the last 30 years. Among them are two short tracts in which Locke argues that the power of the civil magistrate should be absolute. Because these early tracts are very different from Locke's later teachings, they have been misunderstood by contemporary scholars who do not see any connection between absolutism and liberal toleration. I explain the connection by reconstructing Locke's critique of religious politics, which reveals that absolutism and toleration are the same in principle despite their great difference in practice. I then use this demonstration to explain Locke's development and to illuminate the foundations of contemporary liberalism.
In: American political science review, Volume 42, Issue 5, p. 906-914
ISSN: 1537-5943
Since there exists philosophy, there exists the attempt to bring it in relation with politics; and this attempt has succeeded in so far as it is today recognized to the degree of a truism that political theory and that part of philosophy we call ethics are closely connected with each other. But it seems strange to assume—and this essay tries to verify this assumption—that there exists an external parallelism, and perhaps also an inner relationship, between politics and other parts of philosophy such as epistemology, that is, theory of knowledge, and theory of values. It is just within these two theories that the antagonism between philosophical absolutism and relativism has its seat; and this antagonism seems to be in many respects analogous to the fundamental opposition between autocracy and democracy as the representatives of political absolutism on the one hand and political relativism on the other.IPhilosophical absolutism is the metaphysical view that there is an absolute reality, i.e., a reality that exists independently of human knowledge. Hence its existence is objective and unlimited in, or beyond, space and time, to which human knowledge is restricted. Philosophical relativism, on the other hand, advocates the empirical doctrine that reality exists only within human knowledge, and that, as the object of knowledge, reality is relative to the knowing subject. The absolute, the thing in itself, is beyond human experience; it is inaccessible to human knowledge and therefore unknowable.To the assumption of absolute existence corresponds the possibility of absolute truth and absolute values, denied by philosophical relativism, which recognizes only relative truth and relative values.