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Frontmatter -- Contents -- Editor's Foreword -- Introductory Remarks -- Texts Cited -- Introduction: Remarks on Political Philosophy -- lectures on hobbes -- lecture I: Hobbes's Secular Moralism and the Role of His Social Contract -- lecture II: Human Nature and the State of Nature -- lecture III: Hobbes's Account of Practical Reasoning -- lecture IV: The Role and Powers of the Sovereign -- appendix: Hobbes Index -- lectures on locke -- lecture I: His Doctrine of Natural Law -- lecture II: His Account of a Legitimate Regime -- lecture III: Property and the Class State -- lectures on hume -- lecture I: "Of the Original Contract" -- lecture II: Utility, Justice, and the Judicious Spectator -- lectures on rousseau -- lecture I: The Social Contract: Its Problem -- lecture II: The Social Contract: Assumptions and the General Will (I) -- lecture III: The General Will (II) and the Question of Stability -- lectures on mill -- lecture I: His Conception of Utility -- lecture II: His Account of Justice -- lecture III: The Principle of Liberty -- lecture IV: His Doctrine as a Whole -- appendix: Remarks on Mill's Social Theory -- lectures on marx -- lecture I: His View of Capitalism as a Social System -- lecture II: His Conception of Right and Justice -- lecture III: His Ideal: A Society of Freely Associated Producers -- appendixes -- Four Lectures on Henry Sidgwick -- Five Lectures on Joseph Butler -- Course Outline -- Index

The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.

The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.

"War in Political Philosophy" published on by Oxford University Press.

Political philosophy must be pursued phenomenologically. When pursued phenomenologically, political philosophy is in fact proto or first philosophy itself rather than a subsection of philosophy. As first philosophy, political philosophy must be seen as architectonic, the queen of the sciences. Adapted from the source document.

Against the psychology of system: hope through narrativePolitical morality: agency, situation, and practical commitments; Avoiding the intellectually worst: realism versus speculative fiction; 8 The new realism: from modus vivendi to justice; Introduction; Raymond Geuss: from modus vivendi to legitimacy I; Bernard Williams: from modus vivendi to legitimacy II; James Tully: from legitimacy to justice I; Agonistic realism: from legitimacy to justice II; Relative value and assorted historical lessons: an afterword; Relative value and the ranking problem; Relative value, as distinct from ...

Who ought to govern? Why should I obey the law? How should conflict be controlled? What is the proper education for a citizen and a statesman? These questions probe some of the deepest and most enduring problems that every society confronts, regardless of time and place. Today we ask the same crucial questions about law, authority, justice, and freedom that Plato, Aristotle, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, and Tocqueville faced in previous centuries.