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THE AUTHOR DISCUSSES THE WEARINESS THAT A GREAT MANY AMERICANS FEEL ABOUT THESE LONG, LONG PRESIDENTIAL SELECTION PROCESS THAT WE NOW HAVE. ONE OF THE PROBLEMS WITH IT, IS NOT ONLY THE WEARINESS OF THE VOTERS, BUT THE SHEER FATIGUE AND EXHAUSTION OF THE CANDIDATES. THE AUTHOR WOULD HAVE TO SAY TO YOU-THAT, THINKING BACK ON MY OWN EXPERIENCE, AND ALSO WATCHING WHAT'S BEEN GOING ON THE LAST COUPLE OF MONTHS, THE AUTHOR IS ABSOLUTELY SURE THAT ONE OF THE PRINCIPLE CAUSES OF MISTAKES IN PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNING IS FATIGUE AND EXHAUSTION.

3 types of recurring historical situations may be noted that are likely to initiate an active search for pol centralization. Power seeking movements that arise in response to such situations develop 'charter myths' to justify their authority. These myths tend to crystallize around 2 major issues, nativism vs xenophilia, & hierarchy vs equality. The rules governing the allocation of authority within the power seeking group have great signif for the subsequent growth of the movement. The importance of this relationship is shown in both the history of the Papacy & Soviet Communism. Certain common problems that face developing power movements & the various solutions that have been attempted are then examined & reduced to 4 basic forms of growth. (AA-IPSA).

Securing fair procedures in the realm of (inter)national security has historically been much more difficult than in other realms of administration. It is necessary to steer a course between the national and the international, and law and politics. Any conception of the relationship between these forums and values will have different consequences, both for institutions tasked with the protection of security, and for persons affected by sanctions. This review of Devika Hovell's The Power of Process: The Value of Due Process in Security Council Sanctions Decision-Making argues that the presence of binding legal rulings against the exercise of such power remains an essential complement to innovative political forms of control such as an international Ombudsperson.

I develop the theory of power laws and allude to their prevalence elsewhere in the scientific world. I use actual data on US special interest groups to identify a broad, empirical regularity in the distribution of their lobbying expenditures, which naturally gives rise to a spatial model of the lobbying process. I discuss the policy implications of these findings and stress the superiority of this approach in describing aggregate special interest behavior relative to the stylized, strategic workhorse models in this field. Supplemental mathematical background is provided in two appendices.

"The Racial Justice in America: AAPI Excellence and Achievement series celebrates Asian achievement and culture, while exploring racism in a comprehensive, honest, and age-appropriate way. In the Political Power book, students learn about Asian American men and women in politics. Series is written by Virginia Loh-Hagan, a prolific author, advocate, and director of the San Diego State University Asian Pacific Islander Desi American Resource Center. Books include 21st Century Skills and content, an activity across books, table of contents, glossary, index, author biography, sidebars, and educational matter"-- Provided by publisher.

Überblick über die wichtigsten internen politischen Entwicklungen in den afrikanischen Staaten seit der Unabhängigkeit, Diskussion des Trends zu autoritären Herrschaftsformen. Rückblick auf die geschichtlichen und kulturellen Grundlagen afrikanischer Gesellschaften und ihren Kampf gegen den Kolonialismus als Hintergrund für die spätere Entwicklung. Analyse der Ursachen der zahlreichen Staatsstreiche, Zukunftsperspektiven. Auflistung der Regierungssysteme und ihrer Veränderungen seit der Unabhängigkeit in sämtlichen afrikanischen Staaten. (DÜI-Fwr)

The institutional process is essentially an outcome and a reflection of political action. It is therefore understandable that political institutions have always interested not only political thinkers and politicians, but also those nations and groups which are struggling to set up, reorganize or abolish any given political institutions.Their importance lies, too, in the fact that they reflect fundamental political aspirations and relationships. They are more or less the true image of a political system and of the structure of a society at a given epoch. But when seen in a more general perspective, institutions are merely the framework of power, The complexity of and problems inherent in society, its permanent need for further material, cultural and political development have led to an expansion of the institutional structure of political society. This expansion is brought about by political organizations, especially by political parties, as well as by other organizations, such as trade unions, citizens' associations, pressure groups, etc.

The power, as obtained, exercised, organized and preserved, is the subject of political science. In this premise exists absolute identity between political science and communist sensis, what is understood as the set of shared knowledge within a community tradition. Also, there is a consensus in ancient and modern societies, that power is primarily a relationship of subordination, in which a group of people set the rules and others comply with them, in which decisions are made within a set of rules that are obeyed and the acceptance is made in the consensus or by imposition, in a democratic or authoritarian way but it establishes the recognized and accepted relationship of subordination.

A new election approach has been tried out: not an electorate motivation study, but the analysis of how the general elections are a process of power achievement in the pol'al system. The method is qualitative & quantitative: (1) delimiting the diff moments of power distribution; (2) proving that these diff moments are effectively power distributing; & (3) determining the amount of power distribution in each moment. For the Belgian case study, the data are provided by participant observation, exploration of electoral statistics, & 3 ET's (mixed type, by mail, N=100, N=70, N=1,716). There are 5 effective moments in the power distribution by the Belgian general elections: the composition of the lists of candidates, the electoral figure, the electoral behavior, the motivation of the vote, the 'vote to seats transformal calculations.' As the Belgian electorate does not use all the power that it can, a question mark has been put to the antithesis of herrschende Klasse (Rc) & beherrschte Klasse (ruled class), to the 'rulers' & the 'onlyvoters' (Dahrendorf & Lange). By not choosing from the candidates, a possibility the electorate has, the voters give more power to the oligarchic composers of the lists. The voters are only co-actors in the electoral process. Their power is limited to the division of the seats among the several parties. AA.