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AbstractWe present the results of a randomized survey experiment demonstrating that the public evaluates women politicians more highly than men across multiple characteristic assessments. This finding is consistent with a recent wave of research indicating greater preferences for women politicians. Which respondents rate women politicians more highly, and why? We find that women and younger voters do not account for the greater marks given to women politicians. Instead, respondent partisanship and the presumed partisanship of the politician account for a great deal of our findings, with gender playing a complicating role. Democratic and Republican respondents are apt to project their own partisanship onto politicians, and across both parties, we find higher assessments for co-partisan politicians and for women politicians. On the whole, women politicians are evaluated on par with or significantly higher than men politicians across six characteristics, scoring especially well relative to men when politicians are presumed to be members of the opposing party and when traditionally feminine characteristics are assessed.

Olympic bids in the past -- An analytical-hermeneutic methodology -- Referenda in political science and sport governance -- Analysis and discussion of the issue -- Limitations of the work -- Final conclusion -- Implications and further outlook -- References.

Bibliography: leaves 128-148. ; The impress of history has been particularly profound in the sphere of environmental perception, in that South Africans, both black and white, have had their notions of the environment shaped by the political forces of the past. Accordingly, this study is placed within the context of historical geography, as its open-ended techniques and multi-disciplinary approach is regarded as the most appropriate way of undertaking a study which crosses both historical and environmental boundaries. A contention fundamental to this study, is that South African environmental awareness and knowledge is at a fairly low level and that black environmental interest and concern in particular, ranges from apathy to outright hostility. It is further contended that the attainment of mass environmental literacy is essential for the success of the environmental movement in this country and that this in turn, is dependent on the adoption of a strategy incorporating an integrated historical, social and political perspective. Historico-political factors such as: the impact of the colonizing process; the dispossession of the indigenous peoples; the effect of racial attitudes; discriminatory land legislation and, in particular, the imposition of the apartheid system in 1948, are evaluated in terms of their effect on the development of black environmental attitudes. The culmination of these factors has led to a distortion of environmental perceptions and attitudes, as well as to the alienation of blacks from the environment. Conversely, the initially exploitative white response to the environment gradually incorporated a preservationist element, subsequently evolving into a conservation ideology which generally ignored black interests and perspectives. The policies and activities of the first black environmental organizations are detailed, in an attempt to place their achievements in historical perspective. Research in this area was conducted using primary sources. Interviews with selected environmental and mass democratic organizations in the Greater Cape Town Region were conducted. Using the techniques of the focused interview, their stance on environmental issues was established and their proposals for a future environmental strategy elicited. It was found that, while only one of the nine mass democratic organizations evaluated had an environmental policy, they were all committed to the establishment of a democratic society as well as to the concept of mass participation in environmental politics. Based on the insights gained from the historical aspects of the study, as well as an assessment of the proposals put forward during interviews, it is concluded that certain preconditions .are necessary for the successful implementation of future environmental strategies, if blacks are to become involved in environmental issues. These are: the destruction of apartheid; the establishment of a democratic state and the enhancement of individual quality of life.

With the launch of the Swachh Bharat Mission (SBM), India accelerated access to improved sanitation in a 'mass movement' emphasising people's participation and political leadership. However, SBM continues to be implemented at the administrative unit of districts, disassociated from the political and electoral units of Parliamentary Constituencies (PC). We provide estimates of India's 543 PCs by their performance on three important Water Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH) indicators: unsafe disposal of child stool, unimproved drinking water supply, and unimproved sanitary facilities. We used multilevel modelling to generate precision-weighted estimates of each indicator at PC-level, based on recently developed methodologies linking cluster GPS data from the National Family Health Survey (NFHS), 2016 to potential PCs. We found very high heterogeneity across PCs ranging from 0.95 per cent–95.85 per cent for unsafe stool disposal, 0.35 per cent–64.17 per cent for unimproved drinking water source, and 0.19 per cent–90.69 per cent for unimproved sanitation facility. Unsafe child stool disposal and unimproved sanitary facility were strongly correlated ( r = 0.85, Pearson and r = 0.83, Spearman). Monitoring of SBM data at the PC level will allow parliamentarians to effectively improve WASH conditions in their constituencies, while accounting for critical between-PC variability that may be obfuscated in an approach focussed on state or district means.