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What explains the variations in refugee status granting among states? How is refugee status determined? The purpose of the study is to analyze if politics affect refugee status granting to asylum-seekers. Despite the political implications revolving around refugee issues, forced migration studies are still a neglected topic in international relations research. However, scholarly works that focus on forced migration often overlook broad political themes, and do not thoroughly examine how politics affect refugee status rates across countries. This dissertation examines state responses to forced migration. It quantitatively investigates the research questions across countries between 2000 and 2013. It argues state interests affect refugee recognition rates. Specifically, it hypothesizes that bilateral relations between states and the domestic politics of the host state affect refugee recognition rates. This study finds rival host states grant refugee status recognition rates greater than non-rival host states. The results also find refugee status rates increase in dyads that are in alliances compared to dyads that are not in similar pacts. It also finds asylum rates decrease as bilateral trade increases. Most of the models show the more democratic a state becomes, the less asylum is granted. However, the results also demonstrate democracies grant asylum slightly more than non-democracies, and autocracies grant asylum less compared to non-autocracies. However, opposite results are found for democracies and autocracies that are not signatories of the 1951 Refugee Convention or the 1967 Protocol. The study also finds minimal support for refugee recognition rates decreasing during years of national, executive elections. While the results did not find support for all hypotheses, this study concludes that on average, political and commercial relations between states affect refugee recognition rates.

This article seeks to explain the different progress of each region in Indonesia in terms of economic growth. The changes in decentralisation and democratisation are variables of interest in driving economic growth. The neoclassical growth model is the underlying theory used in the study. Cross-region regression is employed using political and institutional indicators. The results show that democratisation has a positive impact on decentralised regions, as the increases in the effective number of parties and total number of seats in the representative councils lead to faster economic growth. It is expected that this condition can be maintained to drive high growth rates in all regions. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyzes the link between political factors and sovereign bond holdings of US investors in 60 countries over the 2003-2013 period. We find that, in general, US investors hold more bonds in countries with few political constraints on the government. Moreover, US investors respond to increased uncertainty around major elections by reducing government bond holdings. These effects are particularly significant in democratic regimes and countries with sound institutions, which enable effective implementation of fiscal consolidation measures or economic reforms.

This article seeks to explain the different progress of each region in Indonesia in terms of economic growth. The changes in decentralisation and democratisation are variables of interest in driving economic growth. The neoclassical growth model is the underlying theory used in the study. Cross-region regression is employed using political and institutional indicators. The results show that democratisation has a positive impact on decentralised regions, as the increases in the effective number of parties and total number of seats in the representative councils lead to faster economic growth. It is expected that this condition can be maintained to drive high growth rates in all regions. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of thisstudyis to findthe political determinants of voting behaviour in the selected districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. It is a quantitative study and aims at knowing the political factors of voting behaviour in the earlier three general elections i.e., 2002, 2008 and 2013. Its major purpose is to see the changing trend of the voters in the above-mentioned elections. It has investigated 292 respondents who had cast vote in any of the target elections. The researchers asked questions through Likert scale designed questionnaire under the purposive sampling technique. The study finds a significant association of political factors such as candidate's affiliation, political party affiliation, party leadership affiliation and party ideology with the voting behaviour. The results of the data show changing scenario as the importance of numerous factors is replaced by others. The study recommends that local political leadership as well as the Election Commission of Pakistan should come forward to actively launch an awareness movement for women participation in elections. It should focus on the importance of vote towards increasing the ratio of participation in voting process, especially women's voting.

EXPLAINING VOTING BEHAVIOUR OR EVEN FORECASTING VOTE SHARES IN GENERAL ELECTIONS HAS ALWAYS BEEN A MAJOR CONCERN OF POLITICAL SCIENTISTS. AT PRESENT, THERE ARE BASICALLY TWO DISTINCT BODIES OF LITERATURE ABOUT THIS SUBJECT: THE SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY AND THE ECONOMIC THEORY. THE SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY WAS DEVELOPED DURING WORLD WAR II AND IS GENERALLY ACCEPTED TODAY. LAZARSFELD ET AL. MAY BE REGARDED AS THE PIONEERING WORK IN THIS AREA. THE ECONOMIC THEORY, ON THE OTHER HAND, HAS MORE RECENT ORIGINS. EVEN THOUGH HOTELLING AND SCHUMPETER ALREADY APPLIED ECONOMIC REASONING TO POLITICAL PROBLEMS, THE FOUNDATION OF THE ECONOMIC THEORY OF POLITICS (PUBLIC CHOICE) IS USUALLY CREDITED TO DOWNS. THE SEMINAL EMPIRICAL STUDIES WITHIN THE ECONOMIC THEORY OF VOTING BEHAVIOUR ARE GOODHART AND BHANSALI, MUELLER AND KRAMER. THE OBJECTIVE OF THIS PAPER IS TO REVIEW AND COMPARE THESE TWO THEORIES IN THE LIGHT OF THE EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE WHICH CAN BE OBTAINED FROM THE NEW ZEALAND CONTEXT. SINCE THE SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY IS WELL KNOWN AS FAR AS POLITICAL SCIENTISTS ARE CONCERNED, THE ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVE IS STRESSED. THE PAPER IS ORGANIZED AS FOLLOWS. SECTION 1 SETS THE STAGE BY BRIEFLY SUMMARISING THE CONTROVERSY WHICH HAS BEEN CARRIED ON IN THIS JOURNAL, SURROUNDING AN EMPIRICAL VOTE FUNCTION FOR NEW ZEALAND. IN SECTION 2 THE SCIENTIFIC APPROACH WHICH IS SPECIFIC TO ECONOMIC REASONING IS PRESENTED AND COMPARED WITH THE SOCIOLOGICAL APPROACH. THE APPLICATION OF THE SOCIOLOGICAL AND ECONOMIC APPROACHPY: 1984

This paper explores the determinants of federal grants allocation across provincial states in Argentina. Our analysis suggests that the redistributive pattern implicit in the federal system of intergovernmental grants cannot be explained on normative grounds exclusively. In order to understand the rationale behind federal grants distribution, a positive approach could render better results. Specifically, we claim that the distribution of federal grants could be associated with political variables such as the political representation of jurisdictions at Congress. The econometric analysis suggests that the significant disparity observed in the per capita representation across different provinces is an important factor explaining the allocation of those transfers. In this respect, overrepresented provinces, both at the senate & at the lower chamber, have received, on average, higher resources from the national government compared to more populous & less-represented states. These results are consistent with those observed in other countries. 4 Tables, 2 Figures, 2 Appendixes, 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper explores the determinants of federal grants allocation across provincial states in Argentina. Our analysis suggests that the redistributive pattern implicit in the federal system of intergovernmental grants cannot be explained on normative grounds exclusively. In order to understand the rationale behind federal grants distribution, a positive approach could render better results. Specifically, we claim that the distribution of federal grants could be associated with political variables such as the political representation of jurisdictions at Congress. The econometric analysis suggests that the significant disparity observed in the per capita representation across different provinces is an important factor explaining the allocation of those transfers. In this respect, overrepresented provinces, both at the senate and at the lower chamber, have received, on average, higher resources from the national government compared to more populous and less represented states. These results are consistent with those observed in other countries.