Intro -- Halftitle Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Foreword -- Preface -- Part I: Apostles From the World of Medicine -- A Courageous Defender of Life: Jérôme Lejeune -- A Doctor of Love: John Billings -- Father of the Pro-Life Movement: Jack Willke -- The Last Renaissance Man: Karl Stern -- The Stubborn Insistence on Being Human: Wanda Poltawska -- The Wisdom of Nature: Herbert Ratner -- The Blessings and Challenges of Life: Eugene Diamond -- A Man of Graciousness: Walker Percy -- Part II: Apostles From the World of Philosophy -- A Man of Leonine Character: Dietrich von Hildebrand -- Finally Fitting In: Mortimer Adler -- The Inextinguishable Light: Saint Thomas Aquinas -- The Peasant Philosopher: Jacques Maritain -- To Love and Be Loved: Jean Vanier -- Truth and Timeliness: Josef Pieper -- An Adventure in Faith: Father Adam Exner -- The Making of a Philosopher: Stephen Schwarz -- Part III: Apostles From the World of Theology -- A Gentle Man of Firm Conviction: Cardinal John O'Connor -- A True Feminist: Saint Teresa Benedicta of the Cross -- An Apostle of Truth: Pope Benedict XVI -- Hope for a Beleaguered World: Saint Teresa of Kolkata -- John Paul the Great: Saint John Paul II -- All of the Same Heart: The Immortal Chaplains -- Dissenting From the Dissenters: William May -- A Minister for Life: Father Richard Neuhaus -- Part IV: Apostles From the World of Literature and Music -- A Man of Faith: Marshall McLuhan -- The Long Road to Conversion: Malcolm Muggeridge -- The Man Who Was Not a Child of His Age: G. K. Chesterton -- The Nearness of God: C. S. Lewis -- Reverence for Life: Whittaker Chambers -- The Tranquil Blossom: Joaquín Rodrigo -- The Silver-Tongued Orator: Alan Keyes -- A Pro-life Celebrity: Ben Stein -- Part V: Apostles From the World of Sports and Entertainment.
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AbstractPolitical mobilizations for and against legal abortions are cyclical entities. Studies on people who joined pro-life movements in the peak of abortion protests (1980s) are relatively common but recent critical studies of right-to-life activists are almost non-existent. To address this lack of recent research, this work combines "political resource" theories and feminist scholarship to explain why certain people are involved in anti-abortion social movements. After analyzing data from the 2010–12 version of the American National Election Surveys (n= 3,860), this study concludes that pro-life activism was primarily driven by absolutist stances on abortion, the minimization of perceived sexism in society, being exposed to religious conversations about politics, and membership in explicitly political groups. The study also found that people's gender, social class, and educational levels failed to predict their pro-life political behaviors.
This paper attempts to show what effects Europeanization has had on the pro-life movement in the Czech Republic. The first section of the text outlines a multifaceted concept of institutional theory based on historical institutionalist ideas. Next, it looks at one specific institutional process, Europeanization, informed by the work of Radaelli as well as della Porta's and Caiani's work on mobilization in the European Union. The following section defines the relevant actors in the Czech pro-life movement. Finally, the paper applies this concept of Europeanization of social movements to the Czech pro-life case. The paper concludes with observations that Europeanization of the Czech pro-life movement is uneven, manifesting itself among some actors, though not all, and in some areas of Europeanization. Charitable organizations as well as one highly visible activist group are highly associated with processes of Europeanization; on the other hand, in most cases, other activist groups in the pro-life movement in the Czech Republic are more highly influenced by more general trends in interest-group internationalization. These insights may pave the way for additional research on trends both of the European pro-life movement as a whole, as well as serving as a touchstone for improving such theoretical concepts as "Europeanization" vis-à-vis "globalization" or "European integration".
In Latin America, the agenda of sexual and reproductive rights advocated by the feminist and LGBTI movements has challenged the hegemony of the sexual order held by traditionalist sectors, especially the hierarchy of the Catholic Church and conservative evangelical churches. These religious groups have reacted, in turn, to arrest the advance of feminist and LGBTI agendas. Beyond conservative Catholic and evangelical hierarchies, opposition activists also include religious academic institutions, politicians, Christian lay movements, and civil society groups, among others, all committed to a more restrictive view of sexuality. One important strategy of this "Pro-Life" activism in recent years has been the conformation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This article offers an analysis of the emergence and development of "Pro-Life" NGOs in Argentina. Using both quantitative and qualitative data, it examines three strategic movements made by these NGOs from the 1980s to the present: a state-political turn that favored strategies aimed to colonize the state and to impact sexual policies and the law; a blurring of religious identities; and a process of federalization and civil ecumenism.
Arguments for the overturning of the Roe decision can be grouped into two categories: (1) the positivist argument that, contrary to the assertions in the Roe decision, nothing in the Constitution protects the right to privacy in the abortion decision (thus leaving legislatures free to regulate the matter), and (2) the natural law argument that a fetus or unborn child has a fundamental and inalienable right to life (thus preventing legislatures from regulating the matter, except for compelling governmental reasons). The right-to-life movement is grounded upon the latter, natural law position. The difficulty for the pro-life movement is that, if the Court decides to overrule Roe, it will most likely do so using a positivist rather than a natural law rationale.
This book traces the development of the discourse used by the pro-life movement since the 1970s, and its relationship to public policy efforts at the state and federal level. The pro-life movement s successes, both in legislative efforts to limit access to abortion as well changing the public s perception of the pro-life movement, is surprising given American s continued support of some level of access to abortion. Using a multi-method approach, the authors argue that these successes are a result of a dynamic and responsive movement, which has adapted both its discourse and public policy efforts since Roe v. Wade. With the Hobby Lobby ruling in 2014, the movement has successfully created its newest strategy, integrating claims of religious liberty to protect individuals and corporate entities. The book s examination of the pro-life strategy highlights its current and future impact on human rights, reproductive rights, and right-wing politics."
Was die Problematik des Schwangerschaftsabbruchs betrifft, haben sich in den USA zwei radikale Seiten herausgebildet: die Pro-Life Bewegung, deren AnhängerInnen Abtreibung grundsätzlich als Tötung eines Menschen sehen, und die Pro-Choice Bewegung, welche die Ansicht vertritt, dass die Autonomie der Frau immer Vorrang vor dem entstehenden Leben haben sollte. In dieser Masterarbeit werden die sozialethischen und gesellschaftspolitischen Aspekte dieses Konflikts betrachtet: Warum haben in den USA einige Bundesstaaten einen "Rückzieher" gemacht und wieder strengere Abtreibungsgesetze eingeführt? Welche sozialen, gesellschaftlichen und politischen Hintergründe und Entwicklungen haben dazu geführt, dass der Konflikt zwischen Akzeptanz und Ablehnung von Schwangerschaftsabbruch in den USA scheinbar unüberwindbar ist? Es wird vor allem auf den Stellenwert der Religion und ihren Einfluss auf die Gesellschaft, die Politik und das Recht ein Augenmerk gelegt, wobei sich zeigt, dass insbesondere der Evangelikalismus und der Fundamentalismus auf das Denken vieler AmerikanerInnen einwirken, auch in Bezug auf Schwangerschaftsabbruch. Zudem werden in dieser Arbeit die Strategien und Formen des Aktivismus der Pro-Life und Pro-Choice Organisationen betrachtet und ethisch bewertet. Allzu oft, wenn die zwei Gruppen über Abtreibung debattieren, sehen sie entweder nur die Frau oder nur den Fötus. Die Feindschaft zwischen Pro-Life und Pro-Choice und die fehlende Bereitschaft, miteinander in Dialog zu treten, führt dazu, dass sich der Konflikt immer weiter zuspitzt. Unter der Präsidentschaft Donald Trumps, welcher sich klar auf der Pro-Life Seite positioniert, könnte Abtreibung wieder im ganzen Land illegal werden, was Pro-Choice AdvokatInnen stark kritisieren. Für dieses moralische und gesellschaftliche Problem ist keine Lösung in Sicht, und selbst Maßnahmen, die in westeuropäischen Ländern ergriffen werden, um ungewollte Schwangerschaften zu vermeiden, scheinen in den Vereinigten Staaten schwer umsetzbar. ; As far as the problem of abortion is concerned, two radical sides have emerged in the USA: the pro-life movement, whose supporters view abortion basically as the killing of a human being, and the pro-choice movement, which believes that the autonomy of the woman should always take precedence over the life in her womb. In this masters thesis, the socio-ethical and socio-political aspects of this conflict are considered: Why have some states in the USA reintroduced stricter abortion laws? What social and political backgrounds and developments have led to the conflict between acceptance and rejection of abortion in the USA being seemingly insurmountable? Particular attention is paid to the importance of religion and its influence on society, politics and the law. Evangelicalism and fundamentalism, in particular, have had a major impact on the mindsets of many Americans, including in relation to abortion. In addition, this paper examines and ethically evaluates the strategies and forms of activism of pro-life and pro-choice organizations. All too often, when activists debate abortion, they consider either only the woman or only the fetus. The hostility between pro-life and pro-choice and the lack of willingness to engage in dialogue with each other leads to the conflict becoming more and more acute. Under the presidency of Donald Trump, who clearly positions himself as being pro-life, abortion could become illegal again throughout the country, which pro-choice advocates strongly criticize. There is no solution to this moral and social problem in sight, and even measures taken in Western European countries in order to prevent unwanted pregnancies in the first place, seem difficult to implement in the United States. ; eingereicht von Sarah Csacsinovits, BA ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2020 ; (VLID)4868591
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 136, Heft 2, S. 399-400