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This paper deals with one particular purpose for public space, the role it plays in permitting popular public participation in in democratic governance, democratic governance in a very political sense. For the United States, it might be called "First Amendment Space", after the provision in the U.S.A. Constituting establishing the rights of free speech and free assembly. In a broader sense, public space should also be available democratically and based on equality of rights for a full range of social interchanges, for recreation, sports, picnicking, hiking, running, sitting, chatting, simply enjoyment, by all people, equally. Such uses, carried out democratically, are in turn necessary for democratic governance, but in a different way. Let me call them "Social Spaces". And they may be divided between Convening spaces, where convening for the purposes of political effectiveness may be planned, and Encounter Spaces, where chance meetings and discussion may be take place without prior planning/convening. "Infrastructural Spaces" are also social spaces but in a different sense, not directly political: spaces for transportation, streets, sidewalks, recreational areas, parks, hiking trails, bicycles partially. he term "Third Space" is sometimes in fashion in a similar sense, and often defined as somewhere between public and private1. More on social spaces elsewhere. When public space is referred to here, it is in the sense of political public space, First Amendment space in the United States. Tahrir Square in Cairo, the Playa of Mothers in Buenos Aires, the Mall in Washington, D.C., Zuccotti Park in New York City, perhaps Central Park or Fifth Avenue, with its parades and marches, but also the fenced in space under the West Side highway at the time of the Republican Convention, and perhaps the indoor space of the Convention Center, as used for convening for discussions of alternate proposals for rebuilding after 9/11.

This third chapter of the book "The economy of the common good" considers the status of academic economists as public intellectuals. It discusses the pitfalls economists face when engaging in public debates, in providing expertise for businesses or governments. It also makes some normative claims as to the socially best form of interaction between economics and practice.

Intro -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- Funding Information -- Contents -- About the Authors -- Lead Author -- Contributors -- List of Figures -- Part I: Introduction -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- 1.1 The Aims of the Book -- 1.2 The Spatial Dimension of Colonialism -- 1.3 Theoretical Foundations for Analyses of Urban Public Space -- 1.4 Review of Literature on the Theme -- 1.5 Structure of the Book -- References -- Part II: The East African Coast -- Chapter 2: Precolonial Public Spaces in Towns on the East African Coast -- 2.1 The Historical Context of Precolonial Urbanism on the Swahili Coast -- 2.2 The Urban Built Environment on the Precolonial East African Coast -- 2.3 The Structure of Urban Life -- 2.4 Public Buildings -- 2.5 Public Spaces -- 2.6 Urban Power and Identity in Context of Public Space -- 2.7 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: Public Aspects of Colonial Urbanism on the East African Coast -- 3.1 Colonial Urbanisms on the Swahili Coast -- 3.2 New Types and New Roles of Public Buildings in the Colonial Towns -- 3.3 Changes in Swahili Public Space -- 3.3.1 Architectural Features and Building Style -- 3.4 Urban Layout and Structure -- 3.5 Conclusion -- References -- Part III: North-West Africa -- Chapter 4: Precolonial Public Spaces of Urban North-West Africa -- 4.1 Government in Pre-protectorate Morocco: A Territory of Governance and Territory of Dissidence -- 4.2 Resources -- 4.2.1 Morphology of Settlements in the Urban and Rural Areas of Morocco -- 4.3 Structure of Cities: Typical Traits and Varieties -- 4.4 Public Buildings -- 4.5 Public Spaces -- 4.6 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: Public Spaces in Context with Colonial Urbanism in Morocco -- 5.1 The Advent of Colonialism -- 5.2 Sources -- 5.3 Marshal Lyautey: Building the Protectorate by Building Cities -- 5.4 Presentation of Old and New Space -- 5.5 Spatial Layout.

AbstractObjectiveThe spread and energy of protests against racial injustice and police brutality throughout summer 2020 featured the forcible removal of monuments by members of the public. In this article, we argue that these "publicly initiated" monument removals are a novel tactic in the protest repertoire that can be differentiated from the removal of monuments by public officials.MethodsUsing data from the Confederate Monuments Project, we analyze whether factors such as protest momentum and state repression of demonstrators differentiate removal type.ResultsWe find that monuments in locations with a greater number of protests in June 2020 were more likely to be removed by the public. We do not find support for a relationship between the use of state repression and public monument removal.ConclusionOur findings suggest that scholars should continue to pursue the distinction between these two types of monuments, particularly in regards to the study of protest and political mobilization.