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Indonesia's commitment to reducing land-based greenhouse gas emissions significantly includes the expansion of conservation areas, but these developments are not free of conflicts. This book provides a comprehensive analysis of agrarian conflicts in the context of the implementation of REDD+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) and forest carbon offsetting in Indonesia, a country where deforestation is a major issue. The author analyzes new kinds of transnational agrarian conflicts which have strong implications for global environmental justice in the REDD+ pilot province of Jambi on the island of Sumatra. The chapters cover: the rescaling of the governance of forests; privatization of conservation; and the transnational dimensions of agrarian conflicts and peasants' resistance in the context of REDD+. The book builds on an innovative conceptual approach linking political ecology, politics of scale and theories of power. It fills an important knowledge and research gap by focusing on the socially differentiated impacts of REDD+ and new forest carbon offsetting initiatives in Southeast Asia, providing a multi-scalar perspective. It is aimed at scholars in the areas of political ecology, human geography, climate change mitigation, forest and natural resource management, as well as environmental justice and agrarian studies.

An agreement on reducing emissions from avoided deforestation and degradation at the UNFCCC Conference of the Parties 15 (COP 15) in Copenhagen December 2010 was not forthcoming. For a number of reasons this is a welcome outcome as several important outstanding legal and technical issues remain unresolved. This article examines the results from COP 15 including the Copenhagen Accord. It focuses on the key issues of principles, finance models, and environmental and social safeguards. It concludes with an assessment of the potential effect that the COP 15 will have on REDD negotiations this coming year prior to the UNFCCC COP 16 in Mexico December 2010.

Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation Plus (REDD+) is a mechanism that is being established at the global level as a climate change mitigation mechanism in forestry sector. The study was conducted by collecting information related to the policies and regulations on the implementation ofREDD+ activities at the national level, methodological aspects at the global level and lessons learned from the implementation ofDemonstration Activities REDD in the conservation areas. The results showed that the Government had issued various regulations and technical guidances related to REDD+, including activities in the conservation area. However, in line with current developments, these regulations need to be updated or revised. The REDD+ implementation methodology was provided based on the IPCC guidelines, and not specific for the conservation area. Implementation ofREDD+ activities in the conservation areas, in addition to reduce emissions but also a chance to gain incentive, could also support forest sustainability, biodiversity and improve people's welfare. Nevertheless, some obstacles was also encountered in the implementation of REDD+. Therefore, strategies for the future are very necessary, so that REDD+ could be implemented and could achieve its objectives, without being fully dependent on the development ofnegotiations at the global level. ; Reducing Emission from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD+) adalah mekanisme yang sedang dibangun di tingkat global sebagai kegiatan mitigasi perubahan iklim sektor kehutanan. Kajian ini dilakukan dengan mengumpulkan informasi tentang ketentuan/peraturan penyelenggaraan kegiatan REDD+ di tingkat nasional, aspek metodologi di tingkat global serta pembelajaran dari implementasi Demonstration Activities REDD di kawasan konservasi. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa Pemerintah telah mengeluarkan berbagai peraturan dan petunjuk teknis terkait REDD+ termasuk pada kawasan konservasi. Namun sejalan dengan perkembangan yang terjadi, peraturan ini perlu diperbaharui atau ...

The question of how developing countries like Peru can participate effectively in the REDD+ (reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation) policy initiative of the United Nations has been the focus of considerable debate recently. The aim of this study was to detect the main challenges associated with monitoring deforestation and forest degradation and also to analyze the policy challenges associated with implementing REDD in Peru. To participate effectively in this process, it is essential that the Peruvian national government formulates a national response since it is unlikely that provincial agencies managing natural resources will be able to develop the necessary expertise to carry out effective monitoring, reporting and verification, and because the underlying factors driving deforestation will require a large investment and a coordinated response at the country level. ; La cuestión de cómo los países en vías de desarrollo como el Perú pueden participar efectivamente en el marco REDD+ (reducción de emisiones de la deforestación y degradación de bosques) de las Naciones Unidas ha sido el foco de considerables debates recientemente. El objetivo del presente trabajo fue detectar los principales aspectos de monitoreo de degradación forestal y decisiones políticas para enfrentar un proceso REDD en Perú. Para participar de manera efectiva en este proceso, es esencial que el gobierno nacional peruano formule una respuesta nacional ya que es poco probable que las entidades provinciales de manejo de recursos naturales puedan desarrollar la experiencia necesaria para efectuar el monitoreo eficaz y porque los factores subyacentes de la deforestación requieren de una gran inversión y una amplia visión a nivel país.

Tenure rights over land, forest, and carbon have become a contentious issue within REDD+ implementation across the tropics because local communities could be excluded from REDD+ benefits if land tenure or use and access rights are not clear. This study aims to understand and assess tenure arrangements under the first REDD+ demonstration project in Cambodia, the Oddar Meanchey Community Forestry REDD+ Project. In particular, the study explores the following questions: (1) How are tenure rights arranged in the Oddar Meanchey REDD+ Project? (2) Does the tenure regime recognise the rights of local communities to their land and its associated resources? (3) What kind of institutions are put in place to support tenure rights of local communities in the project? The author conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders and complemented the analysis by participant observation and a review of policy documents and secondary literature. The major finding of this study is that the local communities in the project are still given rights to use and access forest resources, although carbon rights belong to the government.While the government retains ownership over carbon credits, it agreed that at least 50 percent of the net revenue from the sale of carbon credits will flow to participating communities.

Besitzrechte an Land, Wald und CO2 sind zu einer umkämpften Angelegenheit in der REDD+ Implementierung in den Tropen geworden. Diese Studie versucht die Besitzregelungen im ersten REDD+ Demonstrationsprojekt in Kambodscha, dem Oddar Meanchey Community Forestry REDD+ Project, zu verstehen und zu bewerten. Die Untersuchung analysiert dabei insbesondere folgende Fragen: (1) Wie sind Besitzrechte im Oddar Meanchey REDD+ Projekt geregelt? (2) Erkennt das Besitzsystem die Rechte von lokalen Gemeinschaften an ihrem Land und den dazugehörigen Ressourcen an? (3) Welche Institutionen werden geschaffen, um die Besitzrechte von lokalen Gemeinschaften im Projekt zu stärken? Dazu führte der Autor semi-strukturierte Interviews mit zentralen InteressensvertreterInnen, wandte teilnehmende Beobachtung an und nahm eine Analyse von politischen Rahmenbedingungen und Sekundärliteratur vor. Das Hauptergebnis der Studie ist, dass lokale Gemeinschaften im Projekt nach wie vor Nutzungs- und Zugangsrechte zu Waldressourcen haben, während die Regierung über die CO2-Rechte verfügt. Auch wenn die Regierung Eigentümerin der CO2-Zertifikate bleibt, wurde vereinbart, dass 50 Prozent der Nettoeinnahmen aus dem Verkauf der Zertifikate an die teilnehmenden Gemeinschaften fließen. ; Tenure rights over land, forest, and carbon have become a contentious issue within REDD+ implementation across the tropics because local communities could be excluded from REDD+ benefits if land tenure or use and access rights are not clear. This study aims to understand and assess tenure arrangements under the first REDD+ demonstration project in Cambodia, the Oddar Meanchey Community Forestry REDD+ Project. In particular, the study explores the following questions: (1) How are tenure rights arranged in the Oddar Meanchey REDD+ Project? (2) Does the tenure regime recognise the rights of local communities to their land and its associated resources? (3) What kind of institutions are put in place to support tenure rights of local communities in the project? The author conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders and complemented the analysis by participant observation and a review of policy documents and secondary literature. The major finding of this study is that the local communities in the project are still given rights to use and access forest resources, although carbon rights belong to the government. While the government retains ownership over carbon credits, it agreed that at least 50 percent of the net revenue from the sale of carbon credits will flow to participating communities. ; Peer-Reviewed ; Peer-Reviewed

Indonesia is one of the ten most forest-rich countries in the world. Almost 70 per cent of Indonesia's mainland is covered with forest. However, Indonesia faces one of the highest rates of forest loss in the world. Deforestation and forest degradation accounts for more than 60 per cent of carbon emissions in Indonesia. Being aware of that fact and the danger of climate change, in October 2009, Indonesia voluntarily committed to reduce emissions by 26 per cent from business as usual by 2020 through national efforts, and by 41 per cent with international support. Indonesia's commitment has gained international support; chiefly from Norway, which signed a Letter of Intent on 26 May 2010. To formalise the commitment, Presidential Decree No 19/2010 on Task Force for the preparation of REDD+ Agency and Presidential Instruction No 10/2011 on moratorium on new licenses and improvement of natural primary forest and peat land governance have been issued. The Presidential Decree ended on 30 June 2011 and was continued by Presidential Decree No 25/2011, which was later amended by Presidential Decree No 05/2013. The third Presidential Decree will conclude in the middle of 2013. The expected outputs are: establishment of a New REDD+ agency; measurement, reporting and verification instrument; funding instrument; improvement on forest governance, including legislative reform, law enforcement and administrative procedures; and gazetting forest areas and consolidating licenses through legal audit and legal compliance or legal due diligence in the pilot province. The new REDD+ Agency is expected to be established in 2013. The Agency will be an independent central agency, directly responsible to the President of the Republic of Indonesia, and will be responsible for leading and coordinating the national effort to reduce the country's carbon emission.

This article examines the (re)production of discourses and storylines in the process of policy translation of Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) in Laos. Applying the concepts of policy discourses and policy translation, we first identify the prominent storylines at the various governance levels in Laos. Second, we compare and contrast these storylines with the global REDD+ discourses. Further, we discuss how different actors' capacities and political agendas shape REDD+ storylines at different levels of governance. We find that national and sub-national storylines portray REDD+ mainly as a tool for supporting Laos' forestry strategy and sustainable forest management; for capacity-building and donor funding; and for village forest management and education of villagers. At the village level, many see REDD+ as a project for various political elites and external actors to control forests and cheat villagers. We conclude that, while globally there is increasing attention to civic-environmentalism in REDD+, neoliberalist and techno-managerial discourses still dominate. At the village level, however, civic-environmentalist ideas, such as social safeguards, benefit sharing, and equity largely disappear and two opposing discourses emerge representing anti-civic ideas and REDD+ resentment. Furthermore, while techno-managerial ideas permeate all levels in Laos, neoliberalist ideas in terms of carbon trading are almost absent. During policy translation, REDD+ thus transforms into "just another" top-down development project. This serves the interest of Laos's techno-managerial elite well, but has little positive prospect for local people and forests. In this perspective, the lack of alternative discourse-coalitions promoting non-carbon benefits, social safeguards, and equity is striking.

This paper seeks to examine India's role in the politics of a specific climate change mitigation policy called "Reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation, and enhancing forest carbon stocks in developing countries (REDD+)". It explores India's strategic behaviour towards the development of REDD policy. The paper argues that India had pushed for the remodelling of the global REDD negotiations by expanding its scope to conservation activities, which entails more direct benefits for India. This is largely due to differences in India's rates of forest cover and deforestation as compared to high forest - high deforestation countries such as Brazil and Indonesia. To substantiate its argument, the paper uses the main underpinnings of relative gains theory in international relations and applies them toward interpreting India's behaviour in negotiating REDD+ at global level. Further, the paper analyses the Indian strategies used to remodel the REDD mechanism using insights from soft power theory and its more recent amendments. Thematic analysis of the REDD-relevant documents as well as exploratory expert interviews have been employed for showing India's proactive role in the politics of REDD+. It is concluded that India indeed played a central role in critical past decisions, which lead to re-shaping REDD due to relative gains concerns and mainly by means of soft power strategies.

Although REDD+ was conceived as a national approach to reducing emissions from deforestation and degradation, many of the early advances have been at the subnational level. It is critical to link these subnational efforts to emerging national REDD+ frameworks, including with respect to finance and benefit distribution, setting reference levels, measurement, reporting and verification (MRV), land policy and safeguards. We use evidence from interviews with proponents from 23 subnational REDD+ initiatives in six countries to characterize the multilevel governance challenges for REDD+. We analyse the differences in perceived challenges between subnational jurisdictional programs and project-based initiatives, and then analyse proponents' perceptions of the relationship between government policies at multiple levels and these REDD+ initiatives. We find important multilevel governance challenges related to vertical coordination and information sharing and horizontal and inter-sectoral tensions, as well as concerns over accountability, equity and justice. Though the shift to a nested, jurisdictional or national REDD+ is sometimes approached as a technical design issue, this must be accompanied by an understanding of the interests and power relations among actors at different levels. We outline challenges and suggest priority areas for future research and policy, as countries move towards a national REDD+ system.