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Throughout the Thirties, when the Radio is becoming a mass media in France, music broadcasting accounted for 60 percent of the whole program. Along this decade, as this medium is also becoming professional, its audience kept increasing. In the situation of the coexistence of a public network with a private one (about thirty stations in total) two opposite ideas about using the medium emerged. On the one hand, a cultural scheme and on the other hand anybody's quick attraction. The first logic, more political, carried the idea of the acculturation of the population towards learned music; the second direction, more pragmatic, led to a practice of the medium as a means of immediate satisfaction by less legitimate products. Born with the first transmitting stations, radio advertising gradually changed, in a parallel direction to the evolution of the status and programs of the wireless. After 1935, the year of the definitive end of radio advertising on the public stations, a few publicists bought commercial stations back and deeply changed the medium. They were inspired with methods used in the United States they adapted to the French culture. The purpose of this article is to show the combination of music and advertising on the radio waves caused as many improvisations, innovations and compromises as the broadcasting of music itself. This unexpected union generated musical works in which serious or popular extracts whose aesthetic references emphasized the advertisements. Referring to concrete examples, would be explained the process of associating music and products and how the audience at that time caught these musical advertisements.

Throughout the Thirties, when the Radio is becoming a mass media in France, music broadcasting accounted for 60 percent of the whole program. Along this decade, as this medium is also becoming professional, its audience kept increasing. In the situation of the coexistence of a public network with a private one (about thirty stations in total) two opposite ideas about using the medium emerged. On the one hand, a cultural scheme and on the other hand anybody's quick attraction. The first logic, more political, carried the idea of the acculturation of the population towards learned music; the second direction, more pragmatic, led to a practice of the medium as a means of immediate satisfaction by less legitimate products. Born with the first transmitting stations, radio advertising gradually changed, in a parallel direction to the evolution of the status and programs of the wireless. After 1935, the year of the definitive end of radio advertising on the public stations, a few publicists bought commercial stations back and deeply changed the medium. They were inspired with methods used in the United States they adapted to the French culture. The purpose of this article is to show the combination of music and advertising on the radio waves caused as many improvisations, innovations and compromises as the broadcasting of music itself. This unexpected union generated musical works in which serious or popular extracts whose aesthetic references emphasized the advertisements. Referring to concrete examples, would be explained the process of associating music and products and how the audience at that time caught these musical advertisements.

Over the last few decades radio has becomeone of the primary means of mass communication in Latin America, able to reach euen the remotest rural populations because of the transistor. Colombia, where ninety‐one percent of the homes in the seven largest cities have at least one radio, has also been heavily impacted by this modern technological phenomenon, Elssy Bonilla de Ramos focuses on radio advertising as a means of characterizing the relationship between radio and the Colombian economic sector. She argues that private companies who own most of the country's stations and networks influence programming and advertising in order to widely promote products which they produce. She believes that in many cases these products are not necessary to the consumers'well‐being but are advertised in a way to make them more desirable. The authorgives a brief history of commercial radio in Colombia during the last fifty years, stating that early in its development programming underwent significant changes in order to capture an expanded audience. Comedy, sports, news, soap operas, classical and popular music, and quiz shows soon dominated the airways to the exclusion of programming that could play a role in the political, social and economic development of the country. She contends that industries that owned radio were intent on training for consumption and she uses a week's sample of programming and advertising to illustrate her point.

Radio Active tells the story of how radio listeners at the American mid-century were active in their listening practices. While cultural historians have seen this period as one of failed reform--focusing on the failure of activists to win significant changes for commercial radio--Kathy M. Newman argues that the 1930s witnessed the emergence of a symbiotic relationship between advertising and activism. Advertising helped to kindle the consumer activism of union members affiliated with the CIO, middle-class club women, and working-class housewives. Once provoked, these activists became determined to influence--and in some cases eliminate--radio advertising. As one example of how radio consumption was an active rather than a passive process, Newman cites The Hucksters, Frederick Wakeman's 1946 radio spoof that skewered eccentric sponsors, neurotic account executives, and grating radio jingles. The book sold over 700,000 copies in its first six months and convinced broadcast executives that Americans were unhappy with radio advertising. The Hucksters left its mark on the radio age, showing that radio could inspire collective action and not just passive conformity.