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Although George W. Bush invoked "regime change" as one of his justifications for a US invasion of Iraq, the concept itself has a long history dating back to the time of Julius Caesar. Today the concept remains bound up in a "good vs evil" binarism, although policy analysts also consider more nuanced aspects such as the designation of states as "viable," "failed," "weak," etc, & what it would take to make a state "successful." Strategies for peaceful regime change are examined according to a framework suggested by the work of Inis Claude. Claude hold that states could be bolstered through building "community strength, plural politics, consensus, legitimacy, & resilience.". K. Coddon

Danielson reviews 'Sultanistic Regimes' edited by H. E. Chehabi and Juan J. Linz.

"International Regime Complexity" published on by Oxford University Press.

The parliamentary regime was constituted as such by a shift from the ordinary control of the executive to one unblocking the sanction of his political responsibility, which the presidential regime deliberately excluded. This a priori exclusion led to the development of more elaborate & effective ordinary control. Today, however, a decline of political responsibility has led to a convergence between the regimes, with the emergence of more efficient forms of ordinary control in parliamentary regimes. Adapted from the source document.

Die Empirie des beginnenden 21. Jahrhunderts weist mehr autoritäre Regime aus als am Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts angenommen. Die gegenwärtige Autoritarismusforschung versucht die Fortdauer dieses Regimetyps in Hinblick auf die politischen Institutionen zu erklären – dabei bleiben politische Akteure, die nicht zum Herrschaftszentrum gehören, außen vor. Das vorliegende Projekt untersucht die Rolle und Funktion politischer Opposition in autoritären Regimen. Es wird davon ausgegangen, dass sich an der Opposition eine signifikante Charakteristik autoritärer Regime manifestiert. Das akteurszentrierte Projekt ist der qualitativ orientierten Politikwissenschaft zuzurechnen und verknüpft das Autoritarismuskonzept von Juan Linz mit klassischen Ansätzen der Oppositionsforschung und macht diese Theorien für die gegenwärtige Autoritarismusforschung nutzbar. Die eigens entwickelte elitenorientierte Oppositionstypologie wird am Beispiel Kenias im Zeitraum 1990-2005 angewendet. Die Oppositionsgruppen werden im Institutionengefüge autoritärer Regime verortet und ihr politisches Agieren in den Dimensionen Handlungsstatus, Handlungsüberzeugung und Handlungsstrategie analysiert. Unter Beachtung der historisch gewachsenen regionalen und kulturellen Spezifika wird angenommen, dass generelle, Regionen übergreifende Aussagen zur Opposition in autoritären Regimen getroffen werden können: Kein Oppositionstyp kann allein einen Herrschaftswechsel bewirken. Der Wechsel bzw. die Fortdauer der Herrschaft hängt von der Dominanz bestimmter Oppositionstypen im Oppositionsgeflecht sowie der gleichzeitigen Schwäche anderer Oppositionstypen ab. Durch die konzeptionelle Beschäftigung mit Opposition sowie deren empirische Erschließung soll ein substantieller Beitrag für die notwendige Debatte um autoritäre Regime im 21. Jahrhundert geleistet werden. ; Empirically, at the dawn of the new millennium, more authoritarian regimes are in existence than generally assumed at the end of the 20th century. Current research on authoritarianism seeks to explain the persistence of this type of regime via political institutions; however, political actors who do not belong to the center of power are often ignored. The project at hand examines the role and functioning of political opposition in authoritarian regimes, based on the assumption that opposition constitutes for a significant characteristic of this regime type. Putting a focus on political actors, the project applies a qualitative research method and aims at combining Juan Linz´ concept of authoritarianism with classical approaches of opposition studies, thus contributing to the general state of the art research on authoritarianism. A specifically developed opposition typology based on political elites is applied to the case of Kenya 1990-2005. Oppositional groups are placed within the institutional framework of authoritarian regimes while their political actions are analyzed along three dimensions: status, belief and strategy. While taking historically developed regional and cultural characteristics into account, I assume that the following findings are not limited to one particular region but may be globally applied to opposition in authoritarian regimes: No type of opposition can initiate power transition on its own. Persistence as well as change of rulership depend on the dominance of certain opposition types within the oppositional setting with others being particularly weak at the same time. By examining opposition conceptually and empirically, the project aims at making an essential contribution to the debate on authoritarian regimes in the 21st century.

"Most political regimes, whether authoritarian or democratic, are born in abrupt, brutal, and momentous crises. In this volume [Mattei Dogan, and John Higley: Elites, Crises and the Origins of Regimes], a group of prominent scholars explores how these seminal events affect elites and shape regimes. Combining theoretical and case study chapters, the authors draw from a wide range of historical and contemporary examples to challenge mainstream developmental explanations of political change, which emphasize incremental changes and evaluations stretching over generations. Instead, the authors argue here, political leaders and elites possess significant autonomy and latitude for maneuver, especially in times of crisis. And their choices are frequently decisive in the making of regimes and the forging of national political histories. Providing a sustained comparative analysis of elites, their circulation, and behavior across times and countries, this lucid volume will be invaluable for scholars and students alike." (author's abstract)