Religious fundamentalism and utopianism in the 21st century
In: Journal of political ideologies, Band 12, Heft 3, S. 269-288
ISSN: 1356-9317
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In: Journal of political ideologies, Band 12, Heft 3, S. 269-288
ISSN: 1356-9317
In: Welt-Trends: das außenpolitische Journal, Band 22, Heft 98, S. 19-24
ISSN: 0944-8101
Am 26. Mai 2014 wurde Narendra Modi als neuer Premierminister Indiens vereidigt. In den zuvor stattgefundenen Wahlen gewann seine Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) 282 Mandate, womit erstmalig seit 1989 eine Partei die absolute Mehrheit besitzt. Der Indische Nationalkongress (INC) hingegen hat mit 44 Sitzen nicht einmal den legalen Status der Oppositionsführung im Unterhaus. Die bisherige Machtbalance wurde so infolge eines über 30 Jahre andauernden Machtkampfes zugunsten einer Ideologie zerstört, was Konsequenzen für das Land und die Region haben wird. (WeltTrends / SWP)
World Affairs Online
In: Columbia studies in Middle East politics
In a revisionist reading of Iranian politics since the 1979 Islamic revolution, Mohammad Tabaar demonstrates that the causal link between religious ideology and political order as it has been perceived is perilously misguided. Instead of viewing ideology as a determinant of an actor's political objectives and interests, he examines the religious consequences of politics. The conflict and violence that has been interpreted as an outcome of an ideology should rather be examined as causes of that particular ideology. Tabaar rejects the claim that Shi'a theology independently led to the Islamic Revolution in Iran and shapes its consequences. In actuality, a Shi'a ideology was specifically constructed to engender and preserve the revolution. That is not to say that religion does not matter. Religious ideas, ideals, and ideologies do play critical roles in generating mass mobilization and elite cohesion. It is precisely because political actors are aware of this function that they invest so much political capital in developing and deploying religious ideologies. Tabaar traces half a century of doctrinal changes against the background of Iranian domestic and international politics, and he argues that Islamic ideology is not only used but more importantly is constructed and strategically institutionalized by elites to deal with changing opportunities and threat perceptions
World Affairs Online
In: Schweizer Monatshefte: Zeitschrift für Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur, Band 72, Heft 9, S. 690-695
ISSN: 0036-7400
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of political ideologies, Band 12, Heft 3, S. 269-287
ISSN: 1469-9613
In: Contemporary world issues
World Affairs Online
The Medina Charter as the first constitutional document in Islam, has relationship with Pancasila in the Jakarta Charter as religious ideology. It shows that the Medina Charter has relevance to the philosophical values of Pancasila as the ideology of the Indonesia. This paper presents the relationship between the Medina Charter abbd Pancasia from normative and philosophical point of view in order to prove that the Constitution's Ideology of the Medina Charter is very relevant to the Jakarta Charter with the Philosophical values of Pancasila. The first principle (or Sila) of Pancasila Belief in one supreme being is in line with article in the Medina Charter about monotheism and aqedah. The second Sila of Pncasila Just and Civilized Humanitarism is in relation with the Articles about Human Rights in the Medina Charter. The third Sila of Pancasila about the comitment to the unity of Indonesia is also stated in Articles of Medina Charter about unity and brotherhood. The forth principle about the idea of people led or governed by wise politics in line with the Articles about deliberation and agreement. The last principle about the commitment to Social Justice for All Indonesian People is similar with the law of human rights in the Medina Charter.
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The Medina Charter as the first constitutional document in Islam, has relationship with Pancasila in the Jakarta Charter as religious ideology. It shows that the Medina Charter has relevance to the philosophical values of Pancasila as the ideology of the Indonesia. This paper presents the relationship between the Medina Charter abbd Pancasia from normative and philosophical point of view in order to prove that the Constitution's Ideology of the Medina Charter is very relevant to the Jakarta Charter with the Philosophical values of Pancasila. The first principle (or Sila) of Pancasila Belief in one supreme being is in line with article in the Medina Charter about monotheism and aqedah. The second Sila of Pncasila Just and Civilized Humanitarism is in relation with the Articles about Human Rights in the Medina Charter. The third Sila of Pancasila about the comitment to the unity of Indonesia is also stated in Articles of Medina Charter about unity and brotherhood. The forth principle about the idea of people led or governed by wise politics in line with the Articles about deliberation and agreement. The last principle about the commitment to Social Justice for All Indonesian People is similar with the law of human rights in the Medina Charter.
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Working paper
In: Zeitschrift für Politik: ZfP, Band 3, Heft 3, S. 193-206
ISSN: 0044-3360
Formerly the diffusion & circulation of ideologies had a kind of spontaneity, not systematic, but sporadic. But today this diffusion takes place by a very conscious process controlled by professional news organs, parties, & special interest groups. At the same time, pol'al ideology cannot be separated from ideologies of a diff type (econ, religious, moral). We are approaching a total ideology which is taking hold on a large scale of all aspects of the life of the individual. Now in spite of their rational foundations, modern ideologies have an emotional determination & are charged with affectivity. They are tending more & more to draw nearer to religions. It is a tragic paradox to see liberalism & democracy, which were founded on the idea of tolerance, assume as absolute & inflexible a character as other monolithic ideologies. Finally, today all ideologies are oriented toward concrete institutions with the result that a pol'al theory which does not have an active pol'al program has lost its raison d'etre. Perhaps this explains the sterility of contemporary pol'al philosophy. Tr from IPSA. Adapted from the source document.
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 63, Heft 10, S. 2262-2288
ISSN: 1552-8766
Religious leaders greatly influence their constituents' political behavior. Yet, it is unclear what events trigger nationalist attitudes among religious leaders and why this effect occurs more among some religious leaders rather than others. In this article, I examine the content of Israeli Rabbinic rhetoric during different military and political conflicts. Drawing on an original collection of Sabbath pamphlets distributed to Synagogues, I demonstrate that religious rhetoric is highly responsive to levels of violence for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. I find that religious rhetoric and tone are more nationalist during conflict with the Palestinians and that this effect is mediated by religious ideologies toward the state. In contrast, religious rhetoric does not respond to military conflict in Lebanon or other internal Israeli political conflicts. These findings highlight under what conditions religious leaders infuse conflict with a religious tone, arguably making it harder to gain support for political compromise among the religious public.
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of political ideologies, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 87-107
ISSN: 1356-9317
In: Advances in religious and cultural studies (ARCS) book series
"This book address issues on children's rights and social justice from global experiences, different contexts, and brings about deeper understanding of existing trends and challenges in our conceptions of childhood in a dynamic world. It provides in-depth discussions and relevant theoretical understanding from multiple global contexts on the conceptions of childhood and children's rights"--
People cleave to ideological convictions with greater intensity in the aftermath of threat. The posterior medial frontal cortex (pMFC) plays a key role in both detecting discrepancies between desired and current conditions and adjusting subsequent behavior to resolve such conflicts. Building on prior literature examining the role of the pMFC in shifts in relatively low-level decision processes, we demonstrate that the pMFC mediates adjustments in adherence to political and religious ideologies. We presented participants with a reminder of death and a critique of their in-group ostensibly written by a member of an out-group, then experimentally decreased both avowed belief in God and out-group derogation by downregulating pMFC activity via transcranial magnetic stimulation. The results provide the first evidence that group prejudice and religious belief are susceptible to targeted neuromodulation, and point to a shared cognitive mechanism underlying concrete and abstract decision processes. We discuss the implications of these findings for further research characterizing the cognitive and affective mechanisms at play.
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In: Theory and society: renewal and critique in social theory, Band 45, Heft 1, S. 25-55
ISSN: 1573-7853