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This is a dataset on right-wing extremist demonstrations that took place in Germany between 2005 and 2020. We used the German federal government's answers to brief parliamentary questions (Kleine Anfragen) tabled by the opposition left-wing party Die Linke to create this dataset. The dataset consists of 3290 observations and includes information on the location, date, number of participants, organizing actors, and the mottos of the right-wing extremist demonstrations.

In parliament, populist parties express their positions almost every day through voting. There is great diversity among them, for instance between left-wing and right-wing populist parties. This gives rise to the question: is the parliamentary behaviour of populists motivated by their populism or by their position on the left/right spectrum? This article compares the parliamentary voting behaviour of the Dutch SP and PVV, the only left-wing and right-wing populist parties that have been in a Western European parliament for more than four years. We find that for their voting behaviour the left/right position of these populist parties is more important than their shared populism. Only on one core populist issue (opposition to supranational institutions) do we find strong similarity in their voting behaviour.

THIS ARTICLE REVIEWS THE BACKGROUND TO THE RISE OF THE RIGHT WING IN SOUGHT AFRICA AND ARGUES THAT THERE HAS ALWAYS BEEN A STRAND IN AFRIKANER POLITICS WITH A PROCLIVITY TO VIOLENCE. THE TRANSFORMATION IN SOUGHT AFRICA BEGAN IN THE 1980S AND ACCELERATED IN THE 1990S, ALIENATING CONSERVATIVES AND THOSE IN THE SECURITY FORCES WHO WERE STILL IN THE GRIP OF THE MILITARIST DOCTRINES ESPOUSED DURING THE P.W. BOTH ERA. HIT SQUADS, DIRTY TRICKS AND EFFORTS TO DESTABILISE NEIGHBOURING GOVERNMENTS WERE PART OF THE STATE'S RESPONSE TO THE RISE OF BLACK MILITANCE IN THE 1980S. TERRORISM WAS ALSO PRACTISED BY PARAMILITARY RIGHT-WING GROUPS, THE BIGGEST OF WHICH WAS THE AFRIKANER WEERSTANDSBEWGING (AWB). EVENTUALLY THE RIGHT-WING COUNTERREVOLUTION FAILED, IN LARGE MEASURE BECAUSE POTENTIALLY THE MOST EFFECTIVE OF THE PARAMILITARY FORCES, LED BY RETIRED GENERAL CONSTAND VILJOEN, REJECTED THE OPTION OF VIOLENCE AND SOUGHT INSTEAD A NEGOTIATED ACCOMMODATION.

Do egalitarian principles require a left-wing political economy? For many political philosophers, the obvious answer -- "yes" -- has also seemed the correct answer. Consider, for instance, the orthodox Rawlsian account of the economic institutions of a just society. According to this account, the government of a just regime (such as "property-owning democracy" or "liberal socialism") will engage in myriad economic interventions to achieve background justice. It will, among other things, limit bequests, impose progressive taxes, pursue full employment, ensure an adequate "social minimum," regulate labor and other markets, encourage widespread or even collective ownership of the means of production, and generally act so as to prevent problematic concentrations of economic power from arising. In sum, Rawlsians (like liberal egalitarians more generally) have long argued that if we want egalitarian justice on Earth, we must push our institutions decidedly to the left. Adapted from the source document.

THIS BRIEFING GIVES AN OUTLINE OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF RIGHT-WING RADICALISM AND MILITANCY IN GERMANY, FOCUSING ON NEO-NAZI ORGANIZATIONS IN EASTERN AND WESTERN GERMANY. IT REVIEWS THE RISE OF THE RIGHT AND RACIST VIOLENCE, THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE NSDAP, AND, SKINHEADS. IT CONCLUDES THAT A PREVIOUS NAIVE VIEW HAS GIVEN WAY TO A MORE SERIOUS ASSESSMENT BY THE GERMAN VERFASSUNGSSCHULTZ AND BY ANTI-RACIST CAMPAIGNERS WHO RECOGNISE FACIST GROUPS AS PLAYING A KEY ROLE IN THE ORGANIZATION OF THE MILITANT RIGHT.

THIS ARTICLE BEGINS WITH AN ANALYSIS OF THE 1973 GENERAL ELECTION IN ISRAEL. AN OBSERVATION IS MADE CONCERNING THE TRANSITORY COMPETITIVENESS OF THE RIGHT-WING OPPOSITION, WHICH SUBSEQUENTLY IS CHALLENGED. THE MAJOR REASONS AND MECHANISMS FOR THESE DEVELOPMENTS ARE IDENTIFIED. SOME PROPOSITIONS CONCERNING THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION AND EXPANSION OF PARLIAMENTARY OPPOSITIONS ARE EVALUATED.

It was on 1 December 1955 that a black woman in Montgomery, Alabama was arrested after refusing to give up her seat on a bus to a white person. Rosa Parks had broken racist, segregation laws in her state which stipulated that black Americans must vacate their seats if there were white passengers left standing. […]
The post Racism and right-wing extremism appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

It was on 1 December 1955 that a black woman in Montgomery, Alabama was arrested after refusing to give up her seat on a bus to a white person. Rosa Parks had broken racist, segregation laws in her state which stipulated that black Americans must vacate their seats if there were white passengers left standing. […]
The post Racism and right-wing extremism appeared first on EU ROPE.

THIS ARTICLE OFFERS A TYPOLOGY OF RADICAL RIGHT WING MOVEMENTS WHICH EMPHASIZES THEIR ROLES IN WHAT MAY BE TERMED AN OPPOSITIONAL COMMUNITY. THE EXAMINATION STRESSES BOTH THEIR INTERDEPENDENCE THROUGH THE APPLICATION OF COLIN CAMPBELL'S THEORY OF THE CULTIC MILIEU AND THE MOVEMENTS' ISOLATION FORM THE AMERICAN CULTURAL MAINSTREAM, A GRAPHIC PICTURE OF WHICH IS PROVIDED VIA MARTIN MARTY'S MAPPING THEORY. SECONDARILY, THE ARTICLE OFFERS SOME SUGGESTIONS FOR THE FURTHER REFINEMENT OF EHUD SPRINZAK'S THEORY OF SPLIT DELEGITIMIZATION.

This chapter challenges the common explanation for the success or failure of right-wing populism, conducting a theory-testing analysis. Right-wing populist parties are often viewed as a temporary phenomenon, caused by some form of a crisis that weakened society. Cas Mudde offered an alternative explanation, claiming that the core sentiments of right-wing populism are rooted in society. Three concepts – authoritarianism, nativism and populism – are assumed to form the basis of right-wing populism. Examining party programs, public statements and secondary literature on the German parties Die Republikaner, Schill-Partei and Alternative für Deutschland, this chapter identifies to what extent the three notions are reflected in the parties' ideologies. Next, the chapter looks at public opinion surveys in order to detect those sentiments within the German society. The analysis reveals that the three notions are not only part of the parties' ideologies, but are also consistently present in the German public opinion. The findings furthermore indicate that the success or failure of right-wing populist parties depends on their ability to deal with organisational struggles, to broaden their agenda and to provide a charismatic leader. As a consequence, this study of right-wing populism shows that explaining the surge of such parties based on the occurrence of crisis might be a convenient argument by those who neglect that the problem goes deeper.

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