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Although it is widely accepted that music can be used as a tool to communicate symbolic meaning, there has been little inquiry into how music is consumed to represent the self in social interaction. This paper seeks to provide new insights into the ways in which individuals symbolically consume recorded music. Through the interpretation of phenomenological data gathered from 16 sources, a conceptual framework is developed which depicts the relationship between the consumer's self-concept, the symbolic properties of music and the consumption situation. The conceptual framework of the consumption of music as self-representation proposes that individuals can use music to represent themselves in social interaction when the meaning of that music is congruent with the image of themselves that they wish to present. This framework clearly illustrates the strength of situational influence and the role of fluid and multiple self-conceptions identities in the symbolic consumption of music.

Undocumented immigrants usually trust their voices to immigration activists rather than engaging with strategies of visuality to reclaim their rights. The universe of illegal border crossing is about radical experiences of invisibility, misidentification, erasure, dispossession, and disappearance. First person testimonies by undocumented immigrants have, however, seen the light of day throughout the last decade in unsuspected media venues, from the New York Times to the Guardian, small sites of independent journalism, and also some book publications. Revealing their presence, their names, and their faces seems a brave decision, when the risk of deportation is part of their everyday reality. In my reading of their testimonies and the photographs illustrating them, I follow two theoretical lines that engage with the subjectivities of marginalized groups: sociologist Boaventura de Sousa Santos' elaboration of a post abyssal thinking and cultural critic Nicholas Mirzoeff's ideas of spaces of appearance and practices of counter visuality. Combining them will allow me to analyze how instances of self-representation by undocumented immigrants in the United States contribute to crafting a new subject position by a group who, by definition, cannot speak because it is deemed non-existent in legal terms. The issue brings back to the discussion Gayatri Spivak's classical questions on subalternity and power.

Contemporary Muslim feminist artists, such as Cigdem Aydemir, Sarah Maple and Shirin Neshat, tackle the representation and misrepresentation of Muslim women, within both patriarchal Muslim cultures and the Islamophobic Global North. As this thesis shows, such artists often use the veil to perform Muslim womanhood and their unveiled bodies to claim agency both in and outside of Islamic countries. This practice-led research MFA, developed by Amber Hammad, positions itself in the field of veiling and unveiling Muslim woman's bodies, building on the work of the aforementioned artists. Drawing on Hammad's experiences of living in Pakistan and Australia, it analyses the politics of performing Muslim womanhood from a feminist standpoint, utilising strategies of the performance lecture and video art in particular. In the video work The Nude Dupatta — A Performance Lecture (2021) Hammad draws on the work of Hito Steyerl on the politics of images and Andrea Fraser's work on gendered institutional critique to galvanise her agency as a Muslim female artist. In particular, the work examines the female nude in Islamic art history. In Lower the Gaze: Manuscript Page from خاتون نامه Khatoon Nama #1 (2021) Hammad builds on Shahzia Sikander's techniques of animation and appropriation and Sara Ahmed's intersectional feminist theories to connect ideas of visibility and invisibility with the sounds of the Quranic phrase "lower your gaze." Through these works Hammad expands understandings of Muslim female artists' engagements with hypervisibility and the politics of veiling.

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Introduction: Studying Indigenous Activism in Latin America -- 2. The Indigenous Public Voice:The Multiple Idioms of Modernity in Native Cauca -- 3. Contested Discourses of Authority in Colombian National Indigenous Politics:The 1996 Summer Takeovers -- 4. The Multiplicity of Mayan Voices:Mayan Leadership and the Politics of Self-Representation -- 5. Voting against Indigenous Rights in Guatemala: Lessons from the 1999 Referendum -- 6. How Should an Indian Speak? Amazonian Indians and the Symbolic Politics of Language in the Global Public Sphere -- 7. Representation,Polyphony, and the Construction of Power in a Kayapó Video -- 8. Cutting through State and Class: Sources and Strategies of Self-Representation in Latin America -- Contributors -- Index

In the vicious circle of under-representation of women in trade union structures - particularly in positions of influence - and of women's interests not being considered as a vital component of trade union politics, we see the development of a range of experience which has a huge influence on the articulation and mobilisation of interests, thereby effecting participation in collective promotion of interests. This article reconstructs the process of women articulation their workplace interests in order to illustrate the "inner" and "outer" obstacles regarding both the articulation of interests and these interests being acted upon. These obstacles stand in the way of problems being solved in a manner which would benefit women. An important consequence of this, viz. that this process is usually hampered right from the outset - before interests are even explicitly articulated - points to the necessity of creating new forms of trade union politics in the workplace. Such new forms should address women's current attempts to wield a greater influence, both individually and collectively, regarding their position in the workplace and, most importantly, should take into account their "central points of interest", such as working hours.

This article probes culture as a site of both cooperation and rivalry by examining two exhibitions, of 1939 and 1942, which were jointly supported by Hitler's Germany and Mussolini's Italy. These under-researched exhibitions reveal how the two regimes shared a common belief in culture as a tool of mobilization, but differed in their visions of race, culture, ideology and war.