Suchergebnisse

Patronage of the country is not limited to identifying the status of a refugee and displaced person and providing them with certain documents; it also deals with ensuring and protecting their social and economic rights. Azerbaijan is a post-Soviet country with a lot of refugees and displaced persons: 300 thousand naturalized refugees, 760 thousand displaced persons, around 2 thousand persons seeking political asylum and thousands of persons whose status is unclear1 This report aims to analyze current situation from the standpoint of legislation in the field refugee rights, namely right to labor and certain labor conditions, right to social protection and social security, access to public service, right to be provided with meals, clothes and residence, right to medical care, rights in the field of family relations and right to education. . From the first days of independence, the Republic of Azerbaijan has been taking steps to improve legislation and strengthen government agencies that are involved in legal relations with asylum seekers, refugees and displaced persons and are in charge of their social protection. Azerbaijan acceded to all UN Conventions relating to refugees and introduced certain changes into national legislation in accordance with these conventions. In addition to that, Azerbaijan is making efforts to solve the problems of displaced persons relying on UNHCR Guiding Principles. In addition to the law "On status of refugees and forcibly displaced (persons displaced within the country) persons"2 , which is the main law regulating rights of refugees and displaced persons, Azerbaijan also adopted some normative acts to enforce that law3 On May 21, 1999 the law "On social protection of displaced persons and persons . 4 equalized to them" was adopted. This law defines obligations of government bodies regarding accommodation of displaced persons and persons equalized to them (hereinafter referred to as displaced persons), their social protection etc. ; Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM-East) is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union

This paper evaluates the steps taken towards the progressive realization of social and economic rights (SER) in Kenya. It aims to provide a better understanding of SER and the obligations of the state under international, regional, and national law. It further elucidates the components of progressive realization. Additionally, it identifies the guiding principles of measuring progressive realization and recommendations to develop tools that would monitor progressive realization. Recognition of SER faces many challenges as they are considered as second class rights that are not equal to civil and political rights considered as first-generation rights. The most enduring challenge for SER is that it interferes with the concept of the separation of powers and the political question doctrine by enabling courts to interfere in matters considered to be under the purview of the legislative and executive branch. The paper uses a desktop review of international, regional, and national legal instruments as well as comparative evaluation of SER jurisprudence from a host of jurisdictions. The concept of progressive realization is a goal in the ICSECR, Kenya's Constitution, and other Constitutions with the implication that SER would be implemented over a period of time. Jurisprudence from other jurisdictions is evaluated to determine the lessons learned by Kenya. The paper demonstrates that progressive realization and implementation of SER are still work in progress before they are finally anchored into mainstream human rights, just like political and civic rights. In conclusion, progressive realization of SER imports an immediate obligation by Kenya having ratified the three human right bodies (ICSECR, UNCRC, and CRPWD) pursuant to Article 2(5)(6) of the Constitution to expeditiously move towards the realization of SER. There is a further presumption that the country would refrain from retrogressive measures and instead adopt the minimum content approach in the implementation of SER.

This book is a five-country empirical study of the causes and consequences of social and economic rights litigation. Detailed studies of Brazil, India, Indonesia, Nigeria, and South Africa present systematic and nuanced accounts of court activity on social and economic rights in each country. The book develops new methodologies for analyzing the sources of and variation in social and economic rights litigation, explains why actors are now turning to the courts to enforce social and economic rights, measures the aggregate impact of litigation in each country, and assesses the relevance of the empirical findings for legal theory. This book argues that courts can advance social and economic rights under the right conditions precisely because they are never fully independent of political pressures

This article builds on theories about the expressive function of law and uses Structural Topic Modelling to examine how the prioritisation of civil and political rights (CPR) issues by the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) has affected the agendas of Cambodian human rights NGOs with an international profile. It asks whether these NGOs' focus on CPR issues can be traced back to the near-exclusive focus on CPR issues by the court, and whether this has implications for the creation of a "thick" kind of human rights accountability. It argues that, considering the nature of the Khmer Rouge's genocidal policy, it would have been within the mandate and capacity of the court to pay more attention to actions that also constituted violations of economic, social, and cultural rights (ESCR). The fact that the court did not do this and instead almost completely obscured ESCR rhetorically has triggered a similar blind spot for ESCR issues on the part of human rights NGOs, which could have otherwise played an important role in creating a culture of accountability around this category of human rights. Does this mean that violators of ESCR are more likely to escape prosecution going forward?

While many find cause for optimism about the use of law and rights for progressive ends, the academic literature has long been skeptical that courts favor the poor. We show that, with the move toward a robust "new constitutionalism" of social and economic rights, the assumptions underlying the skepticism do not always hold. Our theories must account for variation in the elite bias of law and litigation. In particular, we need to pay closer attention to the broad, collective effects of legal mobilization, rather than focusing narrowly on the litigants and the direct benefits they receive. We support the claim by showing that litigation pursued in legal contexts that create the expectation of collective effects is more likely to avoid the potential anti-poor bias of courts. On the other hand, policy areas dominated by individual litigation and individualized effects are more likely to experience regressive outcomes. Using data on social and economic rights cases in four countries, we estimate the potential pro-poor impact of litigation by examining whether the poor are over- or under-represented among the beneficiaries of litigation. We find that the impact of courts is positive and very much pro-poor in India and South Africa, and slightly negative in Indonesia and Brazil. Overall, we challenge the tendency in the literature to focus on the direct effects of litigation, find that the results of litigation are more positive for the poor than the conventional wisdom would lead us to expect, and offer an explanation that accounts for part of the variation while raising a number of questions for future research.