Suchergebnisse

China's presence in Africa appears to be part of a new geopolitical dynamic that may be affecting the way management and organizational knowledge from the South should be conceptualized and studied. The purpose of this article is to interrogate the adequacy of emerging critical management theories premised on challenging the West's modernization projects, particularly Postcolonial and Dependency Theories, in the light of a changing geopolitical dynamic. It discusses the need for a new theoretical lens through which to understand and research China's presence in Africa at organizational and community levels. It points to the lack of empirical knowledge at these levels, and proposes a research agenda based on an interrogation of China's previous anti-colonial relationship with African countries and the way its present-day motives are played out at organizational level, and with an aim to understanding the extent to which China's engagement is given voice to African management and organizational knowledge.

The rise of large developing countries has led to considerable discussions of re-balancing global relations and giving greater priority to understanding South-South relations. This paper, in exploring the central ideas of Chinese and Brazilian foreign policy and the behavior of these two rising Southern countries toward Sub-Saharan Africa, argues that the English School of International Relations is well suited to understanding the intentions and actions that characterize South-South relations.

Climate change poses severe threats to developing countries. Scientists predict entire states (e.g. Kiribati, Marshall Islands, Tuvalu, and Maldives) will become inhabitable. People living in these states have to resettle to other countries. Media and politicians warn that climate change will trigger migration flows in dimensions unknown to date. It is feared that millions from developing countries overwhelm developed societies and increase pressures on anyway ailing social support systems destabilizing societies and becoming a potential source of conflict.
Inhabitants of Pacific Islandsa have been mobile since the islands were first settled not longer than 3,500 years ago. Since then people moved around, expanded their reach, and traded with neighbouring tribes (and later countries). With the event of European powers in the 15th century independent mobility became restricted after the beginning of the 19th century. From the second half of the 19th century movements of people predominately served economic interests of colonial powers, in particular a huge colonial appetite for labour. After independence emigration from Pacific Island countries continued to serve economic interest of metropolitan countries at the rim of the Pacific Ocean, which are able to direct migration flows according to their economic requirements.
If climate change resettlements become necessary in big numbers then Pacific Islanders do not want to become climate change refugees. To include environmental reasons in refugee conventions is not what Pacific Islanders want. They want to migrate in dignity, if it becomes unavoidable to leave their homes. There are good reasons to solve the challenges within Pacific Island societies and do not depend too much on metropolitan neighbours at the rim of the Pacific such as Australia, New Zealand and the USA. To rise to the challenge requires enhanced Pan-Pacific Island solidarity and South-South cooperation. This then would result in a reduction of dependencies. For metropolitan powers still much can be done in supporting capacity building in Pacific Island countries and helping the economies to proposer so that climate change migrants easier can be absorbed by expanding labour markets in Pacific Island countries.

A detailed look at the historical and recent developments leading to the current Afro-Sino relationship and the implications it has for South-South relations in a changing global order. Adapted from the source document.

El autor expone que el interes sudafricano por establecer relaciones economicas con Sudamerica empieza a manifestarse desde fines de los anos 60. Examina las actividades en Sudamerica de ciertas companias sudafricanas, particularmente las de la Corporacion Anglo-Americana, haciendo resaltar el comercio con Argentina, Brasil y Chile. Argumenta que las relaciones economicas entre Sudafrica y Sudamerica estuvieron originalmente motivadas por consideraciones politicas mas que economicas

Since the non-governmental organization GRAIN called attention to a global land grab in the year 2008, the rise in global land deals and the internationalization of land tenancy have also caused intensive scientific interest. However, most of the land grabbing literature focused on negative social consequences for the local population. In this paper I will examine the opposite side by focusing on the investors. In the center of interest is the expansion of agribusiness, which is considered to be the main factor for land grabbing. In the context of the current land rush it is remarkable that actors of the 'Global South play an increasingly important role. This is also the case in the sector of the agribusiness, where big agribusiness enterprises emerged, which have access to large-scale land areas and are eager to increase their land control, not only nationally but also in foreign countries. An illustrative example is Brazil where the agribusiness gained significant importance (especially in the Brazilian cerrado) over the last decades. Through this development big Brazilian companies appeared which are now increasingly contributing to the current land rush, often with support of the government. The aim of this paper is to give a general overview about the importance of actors of the Global South in the context of the current land rush. Drawing from the Brazilian case, I will depict the evolution of the agribusiness sector in Brazil and the new trans- and international relations arising on the basis of the expansion of the agribusiness model. ; Christoph Huber ; Refereed/Peer-reviewed ; (VLID)2218591

This essay shows the current importance of India in the Brics thanks to its recent economic growth, which, should it continue on this path, may allow it to improve its possibilities of in­fluencing international politics and to become a counterweight to hegemonic nations. It is pointed out that there are many internal and external conditions that limit the possibilities of having better results in terms of growth and economic and social development, as well as political influence. Finally, it is shown that relations with Latin America in general are incipient but promising. ; El presente escrito muestra la importancia actual de la India en los Brics gracias a su crecimiento económico reciente el cual, de seguir en esa senda, le puede permitir mejo­rar sus posibilidades de influir en la política internacional y ser realmente un contrapeso a naciones hegemónicas. Se señala que hay bastantes condiciones, tanto internas como externas, que limitan las posibilidades de te­ner mejores resultados a nivel de crecimiento y desarrollo económico y social, así como de influencia política. Finalmente, se señala que las relaciones con América Latina, en general, son incipientes pero prometedoras.

The purpose of this paper is to critically reflect on the challenges and dilemmas that are faced by Brazil and South Africa, as emerging countries denominated with the acronym of BRICS, in the context of South-South relations. We will also analyze the role of both countries, Brazil and South Africa, as active members of the BRICS group (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). Finally, the potential for integration and external relations of both emerging states (Brazil and South Africa) will be assessed, focusing on the interests and international relations of Brazil, in a context of growing regional asymmetry. A qualitative methodological approach will be used in this paper, from the perspective of the history of international relations. ; El presente trabajo tiene por propósito reflexionar críticamente sobre los desafíos y dilemas que se presentan a Brasil y Sudáfrica, países emergentes denominados con el acrónimo BRICS, en las relaciones Sur-Sur. Asimismo, se ponderará el rol de Brasil y Sudáfrica, como miembros activos del grupo BRICS (Brasil, Rusia, India, China y Sudáfrica). Finalmente, se evaluarán las posibilidades de inserción y relacionamiento externo de ambos Estados emergentes (Brasil y Sudáfrica), en función de los intereses y relaciones internacionales brasileños, en un contexto de creciente asimetría regional. Se utilizará un enfoque metodológico cualitativo, desde la perspectiva de la historia de las relaciones internacionales contemporáneas.