Suchergebnisse

"During its current term as EU Council president, Germany has been trying hard to promote transatlantic economic integration. But Washington - and some EU countries - have reacted hesitantly. For them, the primary goal is closing the Doha Round. A transatlantic free trade zone remains a long-term project. Seldom in the recent history of transatlantic trade negotiations has there been as much conceptual confusion as during the 2007 German EU Council presidency. While at first there was talk of a transatlantic free trade agreement, called TAFTA, in the course of early 2007 the goal became a barrier-free market between the two trade partners. What, concretely, does this mean for transatlantic trade, and what are the alternatives available to policymakers?" (excerpt)

Examines the 1992 decision to form AFTA, which was motivated by economic, political, domestic, and external factors, such as the end of the Cold War and Indo-China conflict; some focus on the Common Effective Preferential Tariff (CEPT).

This paper takes as the central objective of international economic diplomacy in the Pacific region, the preservation and enhancement of the conditions for continued economic growth in the style of recent decades. The international system that has supported vigorous trade expansion is under threat from several directions: tension between the United States and Japan (and to a lesser extent between the United States and Taiwan and Korea) over large trade and payments imbalances; the prospect of increased economic introversion in Europe as 1992 approaches; the accommodation of new patterns of comparative advantage in the Asian newly industrialised economies (NIEs) as they compress into a few years adjustments to a decade of rapid economic growth; and the new challenge of managing the emergence of China, with its partially reformed centrally planned system, as a major player in Pacific economic relations. It is important for peace and political stability, too, that the environment of relatively open economic relations that made a realistic alternative to autarky available to China at a crucial point in its political history, is preserved to provide similarly reliable alternatives for the states of Indochina, the Soviet Union and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), at a time of opportunity for progress on reducing longstanding sources of conflict.

National governments are keenly aware of the need for investment in space. Canada, as a formal cooperating state in the European Space Agency (ESA), and Germany, as a leading member state of ESA, are interlinked in Europe's space endeavours. Beyond ESA, Germany and Canada additionally have a strong history of bilateral cooperation on a range of space projects. This paper discusses the novel interdependencies between clear national and now supranational space policies, using the examples of the Canada-European Union (EU) Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA). The agreement covers most aspects of the EU-Canada bilateral economic relationship and includes space. The paper focuses on international space policies, strategic bilateral co-operation, and technical accomplishments. It takes a closer look at German-Canadian collaboration in space programs and offers some reflection on the effect of both the EU and ESA'S transatlantic involvement in space.

The proposed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the European Union and the United States of America would be the largest preferential trade agreement in the world. Encompassing almost half of world GDP, it will have strong economic effects on Germany. In this paper, we put this trade policy initiative in its broader perspective. We argue that, despite appearances, the US-German trade potential is not exhausted. We survey existing studies and find that the project could increase per capita income in Germany by between 1 and 3%. We critically question the need for investor-state dispute settlement and argue that the TTIP will have discriminatory effects on at least some third countries. However, regulatory councils are important ingredients of the deal as they guarantee that the TTIP will indeed influence the setting of global standards in the future.

This essay seeks to trace the many—and often conflicting—economic ideological interpretations of the transatlantic abolitionist impulse. In particular, it explores the contested relationship between free-trade ideology and transatlantic abolitionism, and highlights the understudied influence of Victorian free-trade ideology within the American abolitionist movement. By bringing together historiographical controversies from the American and British side, the essay calls into question long-standing conceptions regarding the relationship between free trade and abolitionism, and suggests new avenues for research.