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The author has analyzed the European Union's policy towards Ukraine and put forward a thesis that, in view of Russia's opposition and the lack of progress in internal reforms, Ukraine has no immediate prospects of EU membership. Although Ukraine has been granted political and financial support in the aftermath of the Russian aggression (annexation of Crimea and war in Donbas), the extent of bilateral cooperation is limited to the signing of an Association Agreement and the abolition of the visa requirement for Ukrainian citizens. Economic sanctions against Russia symbolize the unity of EU member states, but remain the only instrument that can stop the neo-imperial intentions of the Russian Federation. This study employs the methods of systemic, institutional and legal analysis and the decision method. ; Autor analizuje politykę UE wobec Ukrainy i stawia tezę, że wskutek oporu Rosji, niechęci wielu państw członkowskich oraz braku efektów w reformach wewnętrznych, Ukraina nie ma perspektywy na członkostwo w UE w najbliższej perspektywie. Chociaż udzielono jej wsparcia politycznego i finansowego, zakres współpracy dwustronnej jest ograniczony do podpisania układu o stowarzyszeniu i zniesienia obowiązku wizowego dla obywateli Ukrainy. Sankcje gospodarcze przeciwko Rosji symbolizują jedność państw członkowskich UE, ale pozostają jedynym instrumentem, który może powstrzymać neoimperialne zamiary Federacji Rosyjskiej. W badaniu wykorzystano metody analizy systemowej, instytucjonalnej i prawnej oraz metodę decyzyjną.

The author has analyzed the European Union's policy towards Ukraine and put forward a thesis that, in view of Russia's opposition and the lack of progress in internal reforms, Ukraine has no immediate prospects of EU membership. Although Ukraine has been granted political and financial support in the aftermath of the Russian aggression (annexation of Crimea and war in Donbas), the extent of bilateral cooperation is limited to the signing of an Association Agreement and the abolition of the visa requirement for Ukrainian citizens. Economic sanctions against Russia symbolize the unity of EU member states, but remain the only instrument that can stop the neo-imperial intentions of the Russian Federation. This study employs the methods of systemic, institutional and legal analysis and the decision method. ; Autor analizuje politykę UE wobec Ukrainy i stawia tezę, że wskutek oporu Rosji, niechęci wielu państw członkowskich oraz braku efektów w reformach wewnętrznych, Ukraina nie ma perspektywy na członkostwo w UE w najbliższej perspektywie. Chociaż udzielono jej wsparcia politycznego i finansowego, zakres współpracy dwustronnej jest ograniczony do podpisania układu o stowarzyszeniu i zniesienia obowiązku wizowego dla obywateli Ukrainy. Sankcje gospodarcze przeciwko Rosji symbolizują jedność państw członkowskich UE, ale pozostają jedynym instrumentem, który może powstrzymać neoimperialne zamiary Federacji Rosyjskiej. W badaniu wykorzystano metody analizy systemowej, instytucjonalnej i prawnej oraz metodę decyzyjną.

In 2014, the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) recorded 40 armed conflicts with a minimum of 25 battle-related deaths, up by six from 2013. This is the highest number of conflicts reported since 1999, and 11 of these conflicts were defined as wars, that is, conflicts generating 1,000 or more battle-related deaths in one calendar year. Further, an escalation of several conflicts, coupled with the extreme violence in Syria, resulted in the highest number of battle-related deaths in the post-1989 period. Yet, compared to the large-scale interstate wars of the 20th century, the number of fatalities caused by armed conflicts in 2014 was relatively low. Additionally, seven conflicts identified in 2013 were no longer active in 2014. However, four new conflicts erupted in 2014, all of them in Ukraine, and three previously registered conflicts were restarted by new actors. Furthermore, six conflicts reoccurred with previously registered actors. A positive development, however, is the increase to ten of the number of peace agreements concluded and signed in 2014, which represents a further four compared with 2013. And although this increase is part of a positive trend since 2011, it is worth noting that several peace processes remained fragile by the end of the year.

Schon wenige Monate nach dem Amtsantritt Wiktor Janukowytschs vor fünf Jahren stellten Beobachter eine klare Abwendung von der Geschichtspolitik des früheren ukrainischen Präsidenten Juschtschenko (2005– 2010) fest. Ein Jahr nach dem Machtwechsel in Kiew im Februar 2014 zeichnet sich im Umgang mit der Vergangenheit in der Ukraine nun eine abermalige Kursänderung ab. Im folgenden Beitrag werden die neuesten Tendenzen in der ukrainischen Geschichtspolitik analysiert, die durch neue Gesetze, institutionelle Veränderungen sowie durch die Einführung neuer staatlicher Feier- und Gedenktage zum Ausdruck kommen.

The history of independent Ukraine is characterised by the relatively peaceful handling of ethnic & linguistic conflict potential, despite the fact that approximately one quarter of the population belongs to ethnic minorities & less than half of the population has the state language as its first language. This is not explained by skilful government policies but rather by the patrimonial character of the Ukrainian polity that is softening the excesses of Ukrainisation policies, the cultural affinity of Russian & Ukrainian cultures, as well as the general passivity of the population. The Ukrainisation campaign of the Ukrainian government has been very ineffective & Ukrainian culture is in 2001 more endangered than in 1991. Given the growing economic dependence upon Russia & declining support for Ukrainian statehood, support for Ukrainisation policies is narrowing down. The Crimea is a case apart because this peninsula is not part of historical Ukraine & few Ukrainians live there. Moreover, the Crimea is disputed by powerful forces in Russia. Conflict between Crimea & Kyiv could be contained partly due to the inability of the Crimean elite to unite & to govern the region adequately, therewith eroding support for a separatist agenda. Adapted from the source document.

In allen Stadien des Konflikts in der Ukraine, vom Euromajdan über die durch Russlands Annexion der Krim ausgelöste Krise bis zum Krieg im Donbass haben die Konfliktparteien auf Geschichte und Geschichtsbilder zurückgegriffen. Die einen reden von kosakischen Freiheitstraditionen, die anderen vom "Abwehrkampf gegen den Faschismus" oder von Novorossija. Auf diese Weise soll Unterstützung mobilisiert, politisches und militärisches Handeln legitimiert und Identität gestiftet werden. Die Behauptungen halten einer kritischen Überprüfung allerdings nicht stand. Doch wer historische Tatsachen von Ideologie unterscheiden will, benötigt fundierte Kenntnisse. Die Disziplin Osteuropäische Geschichte hat einen enormen Nachholbedarf bei der Erforschung und Vermittlung der ukrainischen Geschichte. (Osteuropa (Berlin) / SWP)

Ukraine is the largest country that is included in European Neighborhood Policy. That is why the European Union should spotlight relations with this eastern partner, especially by foreign policy instruments like association agreement. The focus here is on the EU's involvement in the Ukrainian crisis in period from Maidan revolution at the end of 2013, which was occasioned by the rejection of the association agreement with the EU by President Viktor Yanukovych, and to the presidential election in 2014. The main issue is to evaluate the EU's scope to stabilize the political environment in the nearby neighborhood and eliminate threats, which are the results of war between Ukraine and Russia.

The aim of the paper is to examine the effects of the war of 2014 on Ukraine`s future sociopolitical economic prospects by means of a parsimonial model associated with economic growth in a country. The paper briefly considers Cyprus which 30 years after a major invasion, became a member of the EU. For Ukraine to progress to integration with the "European Project", this would depend on pursuing an economic programme to secure necessary investment, develop tradinglinks and foster entrepreneurship and a business climate commensurate with the requirements of today`s global economy. It notes that were Ukraine to become a member of the European Union, it would be far from peripheral in both political and economic terms.

"Deutsche Beobachterinnen und Beobachter betrachten die Ursachen und Konsequenzen des Konflikts um die Ukraine vorwiegend im euroatlantischen Zusammenhang. Für sie stehen die europäischen Wirtschafts- und Stabilitätsinteressen im Vordergrund. Die japanische Diskussion zeigt eine andere Sichtweise auf die Geschehnisse. Dabei wird deutlich, dass Russland in Japan nicht primär als europäische, sondern als asiatische Macht wahrgenommen wird. Bei der Analyse der Ursachen und Folgen des Konflikts konzentrieren sich die japanischen Expertinnen und Experten entsprechend auf den asiatischen Kontext. Viele von ihnen fordern von Tokio eine Annäherung an Moskau, auch wenn dies ein Ausscheren aus der G7-Linie und der westlichen Sanktionspolitik bedeute. Ein solcher Kurs werde den japanischen Interessen am ehesten gerecht." (Autorenreferat)