Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Governing Hate and Race in the United States and South Africa -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- 1. States of Racial Mind -- 2. Is Racism Burning? -- 3. Tortious Race, Race Torts -- 4. After 9/11 -- 5. Complicating Identity, Naturalizing Equality -- 6. Can Racism Burn? -- Postscript -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W.

The economic & occupational consequences of post-WWII immigration practices on native-born minority groups in the US, especially African Americans, are studied. An overview of previous research on how immigration & race/ethnicity have historically intersected in the US is provided; also considered are the demographic & geographic features of the immigration-race/ethnicity relationship. Trends in the economic status of African Americans since the 1960s, the effects of affirmative action policy on African Americans' economic progress, immigration's implications for African Americans' economic well-being are reviewed. Implications of the respective contributors' findings for future race/ethnic relations & policy are considered, & the need for US society to develop a positive perception of immigration & race/ethnicity is articulated. 49 References. J. W. Parker

Opinions are presented as to the United States government's responsibility to prevent high casualty rates among minorities in the military, to provide for the welfare of recruits unable to complete the first term of service, & to take active measures to prevent emergence of all-nonwhite units. Charles C. Moskos, Jr. (Northwestern University, Evanston Ill) notes the increasing representation of blacks among army enlisted personnel, especially at lower grades. High black casualties in a future military action could irremediably undermine the army's effectiveness. The army's role in integrating lower class youth into higher strata of United States society has depended largely on its not being regarded as a means of upgrading such youth. Reliance on volunteer service & econometric thinking has led to an army unrepresentative of the United States population. Greater social representativeness is necessary if the army is to remain effective in these & other areas. John Sibley Butler (University of Texas, Austin) notes that for the situation to be defined as problematic, the central issue must be white middle class nonparticipation. Measures are needed to make military service more economically beneficial & to give it a better image. Alan Ned Sabrosky (Catholic University, Washington, DC) notes the need to decide on relative weights given to moral, political, & military considerations. Representativeness is not particularly a political-military concern, nor is an unrepresentative army historically anomalous or necessarily nonfunctional. The army is not primarily a welfare or rehabilitative institution, but a military one. These problems will persist into the 1980s. Corrective measures should stress recruitment of more capable individuals, & abandonment of attempts to achieve general social integration through military institutions' corrective measures. Alvin J. Schnexnider (Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond) finds current military racial problems affected by changes in the national political economy, basic alterations in the concept of military participation, dilemmas of the white minority, the rise of neoconservatism, & the growth of representative bureaucracies. Appropriate measures would include reinstitution of the draft, measures toward employment of first-term failures in Veterans Administration & department of Interior facilities, & concern for racial integration. W. H. Stoddard.

African-American relations at present are characterized by a situation in which the United States government and United States investors take more resources out of Africa than they put in. There is a negative balance of payments in the flow of aid, trade, and other resources. Consequently, Africans are disappointed in America and have little faith in the ability of this Western power to make even a modest contribution to the resolution of African problems by African means.

Intro -- Contents -- Contributors -- Introduction / Edward Telles, Gaspar Rivera-Salgado,Mark Q. Sawyer, and Sylvia Zamora -- Part I. Labor Markets -- 1. Immigration and Labor Market Dynamics / Frank D. Bean, James D. Bachmeier, Susan K.Brown, and Rosaura Tafoya-Estrada -- Part II. Politics -- 2. Commonalities, Competition, and Linked Fate / Michael Jones-Correa -- 3. Perceptions of Competition / Jason L. Morin, Gabriel R. Sanchez, and Matt A. Barreto -- 4. Elite Messages and Perceptions of Commonality / Kevin Wallsten and Tatishe M. Nteta -- Part III. Urban Profiles -- 5. Intergroup Perceptions and Relations in Houston / Nestor Rodriguez and Tatcho Mindiola Jr. -- 6. Politics in Los Angeles / Mark Q. Sawyer -- Part IV. New Relations in New Destinations -- 7. Intergroup Relations in Three Southern Cities / Paula D. McClain, Gerald F. Lackey, Efrén O. Pérez, Niambi M. Carter, Jessica Johnson Carew, Eugene Walton Jr., Candis Watts Smith, Monique L. Lyle, and Shayla C. Nunnally -- 8. Black Attitudes and Hispanic Immigrants in South Carolina / Monica McDermott -- Part V. Coalition Building -- Chapter 9. Black, Brown, Young, and Together / Regina M. Freer and Claudia Sandoval Lopez -- 10. Framing Commonality in a Multiracial, Multiethnic Coalition / Sylvia Zamora -- Part VI. Interaction in Street Culture -- 11. Ethnic Succession and Ethnic Conflict / James Diego Vigil -- 12. Conflict, Cooperation, and Avoidance / Cid Martinez and Victor M. Rios -- Index.