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Identifies the white supremacist elements in leftist politics, especially in the movement against the prison-industrial complex. The author argues that while the activism of white progressives is generally well intentioned, their efforts require a radical politics that recognizes antiracism as an essential & central element in any protest against the state. A recognition of the way that white individuals & organizations maintain their hierarchies & oppressions against racial minorities is required if significant change is to be achieved. Without that recognition, the state will not be threatened & will not need to take action against those efforts. The anti-death-penalty movement serves as an example, since it has retained such state terms as innocence & guilt, thereby accepting the government's definition of crime & of criminals -- generally people of low income or color. White activists work from positions of comfort & privilege, without the experience of collective victimization; they must, therefore, be disciplined in their self-critique of their language, ideology, & actions in seeking liberation & self-determination for all people. 5 References. L. A. Hoffman

Проанализирована белоэмигрантская историография по истории аграрной политики правительств Белого движения Юга России. Выделены периоды в развитии белоэмигрантской историографии аграрной политики правительств Белого движения Юга России. Раскрыты характерные черты, присущие наследию белых эмигрантов в 1920-х и 1960-х – 1990-х годах. Выяснено жанровое представительство творчества представителей белой эмиграции. Выявлены факторы, которые влияли на формирование и эволюцию взглядов представителей белой эмиграции на аграрную политику правительств Белого движения Юга России. ; White émigré historians outlined our problem consists mainly of two genres: memoir and research and memoirs. The latter, in our opinion, there is more reason to be attributed to published sources. Therefore, we believe it is appropriate to analyze the research work of representatives of white emigration. The term «White emigre historians» we mean work as their own emigrants and their descendants who identify themselves with the Russian abroad, such as «Alexander V. Krivoshein. Fate russkogo reformer» K. Krivosheina. Instead, «History of Soviet state» N. Werth – descendant of Russian immigrants – believe property modern French historiography, as the researcher identifies with ideological and cultural space of modern France. In the development of White emigre historiography of Agrarian Policy White Guard governments Anton Denikin, Wrangel P. audited Ukrainian territory in the 1919-1920 biennium, taking into account proposed by us in the first section of the monograph criteria can be roughly distinguish two periods: a) 1920-ies b) 1960-1990. For the first period was characterized by intense accumulation representatives of white emigration historical knowledge of the research problem. Working hours of the 1920s as diverse genre for representation, and on methodological tools and impaired functions. Their authors were mostly direct participants revolutionary events, in some cases – professional historians (eg, work Golovin «Russian counter-revolution in the 1917-1918 biennium.» – General, before the revolution, Professor Nicholas Military Academy. Yet through thematic and chronological characteristics, it not been subject to analysis in this monograph).Most work is inherent subjectivity in assessing extremes and judgments either heroic or excessive criticality. Obviously, the White emigre authors are not indifferent to the fate of the Fatherland. Valuable in these studies is that, first, they contain information zatushovuvana Soviet colleagues, and secondly, the available nuances not be found in the archives, but complementary, refine, and in some ways belie habits, to Third, by «living» language, they are much better for the «dry» kantselyarizmy convey the «spirit of the tumultuous revolutionary years», and fourthly, they represented moments in modern historiography (Ukrainian, Russian and foreign) are represented as lines of historical research: Microhistory, anthropologism, the history of everyday life, social history and more.Second period – 1960s – 1990s – much inferior to the first in number of publications. Its peculiarity lies in the fact that he represented practices authors who are the descendants of the first, second, etc. generation direct participants in the White movement, or the elderly. For the first – mostly Europeans for mentality – events 1917 – 1920's in Russia, unknown to them at best – no more than family history. Moreover, they are not so important and why their ancestors were outside the homeland. Second left is short, and creativity was far from necessary for writing serious studies. Scientific level of work «second wave» of white emigration is not inferior works of the 1920's. ; Проаналізовано білоемігрантську історіографію з історії аграрної політики урядів Білого руху Півдня Росії. Виокремлено періоди у розвитку білоемігрантської історіо-графії аграрної політики урядів Білого руху Півдня Росії. Розкрито характерні риси, властиві спадщині білих емігрантів у 1920-х та 1960-х – 1990-х роках. З'ясовано жанрове представництво творчого доробку представників білої еміграції. Виявлено фактори, що впливали на формування та еволюцію поглядів представників білої еміграції на аграрну політику урядів Білого руху Півдня Росії.

At the end of the 1970s a racist rock music movement known as White Power music emerged in Great Britain in connection with political parties of the extreme right and remains a vibrant force in racist social movements today. Throughout the 1990s, White Power music expanded significantly from its origins in a clandestine network of punk-inspired live shows and record promotions into a multi-million dollar, international enterprise of web-pages, radio stations and independent record labels promoting White Power musicians performing a wider range of musical genres. In this article, we view White Power music as a cultural resource created and produced by racist movements and used as a tool to further key movement goals. Specifically, we examine White Power music's role when used to 1) recruit new adherents, especially youth, 2) frame issues and ideology to cultivate a White Power collective identity, and 3) obtain financial resources. In doing so we rely upon in-depth interviews with White Power musicians and promoters as well as representatives of watchdog and monitoring organizations. Interviews were conducted by the lead author from 2002-2004 or accessed through transcripts of similar interviews made available by another researcher. This research also relies upon an extensive examination of White Power music, lyrics, newsletters and websites. We conclude that White Power music continues to play a significant role in the mobilization of racist political and social movements by drawing in new youth, cultivating a racist collective identity, and generating substantial sums of money to finance a range of racist endeavours. ; Dissertation Project