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This study focuses on the political identity of African feminism. The purpose is to understand the meaning and the origins of African sisterhood as a identity political project. The analyzing method is content analysis guided by theory. The theoretical framework consists of identity political theories from Harriet Bradley and Manuel Castells. As a supporting theoretical framework the concept of culture relativism and the concept of freedom has been used. The research material consists of publications from an organization called African Feminist Forum. Aim of research is to study how African feminist forum builds and expresses its political identity in relation to traditional western feminist identity. The meaning of African feminism is to tell it apart from traditional western feminism and make theories and ways of activism that are more valid in the African context. In its rhetoric African feminist forum is trying to state what are the threads and ordeals in its near future and at African women's living surroundings. This is how the group makes itself distinctive and executes identity political project. Cultural relativism plays an important role in this because the cultural relativist though highlights the importance of respecting your own cultural heritage. This is especially present in a different kind of understanding related to the concept of freedom.

A survey of the reactions of some Me Africans to their position in South Africa (SA) conducted in 1961 & financed largely by the SA Instit of Race Relations. Detailed interviews, an openended E1, 2 SD scales, & a TAT were admin'ed to the sample (N=150) in the Witwatersrand area, who are broken down as follows: 42 clerical workers, 27 teachers, 16 SA US's, 24 S's at a Coll in Basutoland, 25 Sch boys, 17 ministers of religion, 7 journalists & 2 lawyers. Available evidence confirmed by the '?I suggests that Mc Africans experience little conflict in accepting western values as the basis for conduct in Ur society. Acceptance of tribal heritage as a basis for behavior & level of educ are -r'ed. 70% stressed educ as a major life goal, with `proper' educ favored over Bantu educ. Preoccup with material benefits, greater security & human rights seem to stem from contact with western norms & present position in society. The State & its agents are seen as the major source of insecurity, reinforced by the att's & prejudices of the Eur pop & the insecurities of rapid transition to indust'ized society. 38% admitted to having been arrested at least once in their lives. 30% had suffered from fam disruption, & severe financial insufficiency in the fam. 59% claimed to be optimistic about their future, but this was often contradicted by responses to the TAT. 64% attended Church regularly & would appear to find strong support in Christian faith. 31% were reasonably satisfied with their work & prospects; this % is low in view of the MC composition of the sample. 41% gave favorable (5%) or ambivalent (36%) responses to questions on att's to Europeans. Econ & soc integration are seen as very important problems. It is assessed that the present functioning of the SA system is `repressive in a way which cannot be justified.' The PO L91 is reproduced. M. Farber.

THIS ARTICLE CONSIDERS RECENT WORK ON THE NATURE OF THE BLACK DIASPORA IN THE WEST AND ITS RELATIONSHIP WITH AFRICA AND AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT. IT CONDEMNS THE DISCIPLINARY GULF BETWEEN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES, WHICH HAS ALMOST COMPLETELY IGNORED QUESTIONS OF RACE AND CULTURAL IDENTITY, ON THE ONE HAND, AND DIASPORA STUDIES WHICH TEND TO FOCUS ON CULTURAL AND RACIAL LINKS WITH AFRICA TO THE EXCLUSION OF QUESTIONS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. THE REVIEW IS CRITICAL OF PERSPECTIVES WHICH IGNORE THE HETEROGENEITY AND VARIETY OF AFRICAN CULTURES AND EXPERIENCE, WHETHER FOR PURPOSES OF CREATING A CARICATURED COLONIAL SUBJECT OR FOR ASSERTING AN UNDIFFERENTIATED UNITY BETWEEN AFRICANS ON THE CONTINENT AND IN THE DIASPORA. IT ARGUES FOR AN UNDERSTANDING OF BOTH THE UNIQUENESS AND THE COMMONALITY OF AFRICAN EXPERIENCES ON BOTH SIDES OF THE ATLANTIC.