Suchergebnisse

Based on the analysis of a wide range of sources, the article focuses on the reasons for the emergence of Eastern European agrarianism, and understanding of the "Eastern European agrarianism"concept in a broad and narrow sense. Considering the spread area of Eastern European agrarianism on the basis of territorial character and peculiarities of socioeconomic and socio-political development of Eastern European countries, there are grounds to distinguish its variants: Polish, Bulgarian, Czechoslovakian, Romanian, Ukrainian, etc. Based on the analysis of the Ukrainian intellectual space in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, it is reasonable to assume that there were the ideas of Eastern European agrarianism presented by its Ukrainian variant in it. In particular, it affirmed a peasant-centric view of Ukrainianness, the peasant character of the Ukrainian nation, the separateness of city and countryside, urban and rural worldviews and ways of being. The identification of such concepts as "Ukrainian peasantry", "Ukrainian nation", and "Ukrainian people" was considered axiomatic in the views of the representatives of the Ukrainian intellectual space in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The political future of the Ukrainian statehood was closely linked to the peasantry

AbstractA resurgence of agrarianism has motivated new farmers to enter farming, not for profit, but for lifestyle and socio‐ecological values which are frequently associated with diverse economies. Proponents of diverse economies argue for an ontological reframing that accounts for non‐capitalist forms of economic exchange. However, these perspectives have not fully addressed the conditions—often structured by race and class—that facilitate participation in diverse economies. This paper is based on mixed‐methods research on the life cycle of new farmers in Hawai'i that include participants of farmer training programs. We investigate what drives new farmers into farming, by what mechanisms they are able (or not) to establish a farm, and what limits the duration of their participation. Our analysis reveals three contradictions of diverse economies in agriculture: (1) the inadvertent undervaluation of farmwork that undermines broader efforts to improve the welfare of farm labor; (2) the tension between the value of scaling up and the vulnerability of cooptation; and (3) the ways in which the duration of new farmers' engagement is structured by their ability to mobilize unpaid labor and external resources. These contradictions challenge long‐term and inclusive participation in diverse economies in ways that constrain their emancipatory potential.

AbstractAgrarianism is important in the American mythos. Land represents both a set of values and a store of wealth. In this article, we ask how land matters in the lives of rural, southern, Black farmland owners. Drawing on 34 interviews, we argue that, since the end of slavery, land has continued to operate as a site of racialized exclusion. Local white elites limit Black farmers' access to landownership through discriminatory lending practices. At the same time, Black farmland owners articulate an ethos in which land is a source of freedom, pride, and belonging. This we term "Black agrarianism." They cultivate resistance to the legacies of slavery and sharecropping and contemporary practices of social closure. These Black farmland owners, then, view land as protection from white domination. Thus, we demonstrate how landownership is a site for the re‐creation of racial hierarchy in the contemporary period while also offering the potential for resistance and emancipation.

This ethnographic study explores how the discovery of lead contamination in urban chicken flocks in the Boston area unsettles postindustrial optimism and neo-agrarian romanticism, producing new openings for multispecies relationships. Within rising popular and political attention to food systems, urban chicken keeping stands as a uniquely positioned subset of urban agriculture. Through ethnography with chicken keepers, policy makers and businesses in Boston and Somerville, Massachusetts in the summer of 2016, my research investigated how urban chicken keeping might transform keepers' thinking about food systems and animal relationships. The unexpected discovery oflead in chickens' blood and eggs revealed keepers' increasingly entangled relationships with the history of the soil they and their birds live upon, exposing what Marx (1981) termed the "metabolic rift" at the heart of industrial capitalist approaches to subsistence. With lead breaking the imagined simplicity of urban agriculture and the linear progression of modern cities, responses in urban chicken keeping reveal space for new ways of thinking about collective metabolism, multispecies living, food politics, and the bodies wrapped up in these material legacies.

This dissertation studies the ideas and political practices produced in the emerging rural public sphere in late Tsarist Estonia. The time period is characterized by radical social and economic change and growing national and political self consciousness. An underlying aim is to study the emergence and character of an agrarian ideology in Estonia, with a special concern paid for ideas on the organization of society. The first section examines the emerging of Estonian language agricultural instruction books and agricultural journals. Studying the content and the advice on modernization and organization of farm work uncovers their underlying ideas on the organization of the rural society. The second section deals with the ideas and ideals presented in the agricultural instructions through the work of local agricultural associations and agricultural cooperatives. Finally the ideals of the agricultural instructions and the practice of the associations are studied on a national level, as expressed at the Agricultural Congresses 1899 and 1905 and the All-Estonian Congress 1905. The study emphasizes the importance of the rural sphere in creating the foundation for the interwar Estonian society and shows significant ideological and organizational similarities between the Estonian agrarian movement and contemporary agrarian movements in Europe.

This dissertation examines the policy and socio-economic dynamics of the Venezuelan agrarian reform in the Chavista era. As a self-proclaimed socialist state, the Chavista government has framed its agrarian policies as a reordering of the food system that prioritized land redistribution, smallholder agriculture, and sustainable forms of production. The agrarian reform purported to place peasant farmers at the core of a new agricultural regime that would build national food sovereignty. Yet despite increased state support for smallholders, aggressive pro-peasant rhetoric, popular support for the Chavista party in rural areas, and oil wealth to fund agriculture development, rural dynamics have been characterized by conflict over land and a geographically and temporally uneven process of policy development in the countryside.This dissertation argues that the land reform program in Venezuela has plateaued as a redistributive process and has to come to serve as primarily social rather than productive policy in rural areas. In this study I seek to analyze the determining factors that have impacted and restricted the agrarian reform process and produced this limited outcome. To understand the limits of the agrarian reform I argue that it is necessary to examine policy processes within an analysis of the broader political economy of Venezuela as an oil state with a mixed economy. I also posit that analyses of agrarian dynamics that focus on peasant-state relationships without addressing the commercial agriculture sector have omitted a critical dimension of the agro-food system. I therefore take a multi-sectoral approach to agro-food policy that draws these understudied components of agrarian Venezuela—petro-state dynamics and the commercial agriculture sector—into an analysis anchored on peasant-state policy relationships. Through this multi-sectoral approach I argue that the complex and often contradictory objectives of state policy in the agrarian realm are illustrative of macro-level, petro-state constraints on progressive reform more broadly, as well as tensions between political and economic development objectives of state policy. I show how oil dynamics create political economic challenges to structural change and feed into the construction of particular state 'needs' for agriculture, food production and agrarian reform. These dynamics help to explain the apparent contradiction of why much of state agricultural policy in Venezuela contributes to maintaining the viability and local economic position of large farmers even as government discourse continues to highlight the state's promotion of agrarian reform and smallholder production.I propose the term 'petro-socialism' to refer to the political economy emerging from the amalgam of oil state dynamics and the anti-neoliberal/socialist framing of the government's policies. The concept of petro-socialism connotes that the shape of state reforms in the Chavista period were inherently constrained and often contradictory in nature.

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