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The aim of the research is to study the physical and discursive construction and the post-transition(s) heritage of the mass housing era in Europe (1950s-1980s), through the comparative analysis of three cases of study. The objects of the study are the neighbourhoods of Vällingby (Stockholm, Sweden), Lazdynai (Vilnius, Lithuania), and San Polo (Brescia, Italy). The dissertation is structured in three chapters. The first and the second chapters of the dissertation introduce and discuss the historical and theoretical roots of modern urban planning, the golden age of postwar modern mass housing in Europe, as well as the intellectual deconstruction, the decline, and the heritage of the phenomenon. In the third chapter Vällingby, Lazdynai, and San Polo are analysed according to specific criteria. The first criterion of analysis concentrates on the historical and political conditions that fostered the construction; the second focuses on the physical and architectural attributes of Vällingby, Lazdynai, and San Polo; the third criterion of analysis is committed to present the construction of a discourse aimed at celebrating the neighbourhoods after the construction; the fourth focuses on the heritage of the selected cases of study. Within this framework the research is committed to apply the concept of dissonant heritage to the analysis of the legacy of postwar modern mass housing. In particular, the research identifies the obsolescence and the undesirability of the messages embedded in mass housing and the issues connected to class and socio-economic conditions as the main factors of dissonance. Due to the peculiarities of each case of study such factors act with different intensity in Vällingby, Lazdynai and San Polo.

The purpose of this study is to describe Jokowi's political communications, especially self-image in the 2014. This study uses qualitative research methods that aim to describe what happened to the situation or event in this study and not test hypotheses or make predictions. The advertisement aired in all national electronic mass media with various versions. In print, advertisements are displayed in the form of newspaper headlines. Through semiotic analysis, it can be explained that mental revolution advertisement is dissected based on the meaning of denotation, connotation, mythical study, and ideological study. This mental revolution advertisement tries to construct Jokowi's positive image to the public. In doing so, political consultants (the success teams) try to build political communication through four stages of perception, cognition, motives, and attitudes. This article shows a semiotic analysis to describe the communication techniques of Jokowi.

Este ensaio oferece elementos para reflexão sobre o papel do discernimento político na atividade diplomática a partir da análise de três debates: a escolha entre uma diplomacia que tenderia à especialização e uma diplomacia generalista; os dilemas na tradução de princípios gerais de política externa em posições adotadas em casos específicos; e a existência ou não de uma dimensão ética na diplomacia, voltada a garantir validade exemplar às escolhas efetuadas. O artigo defende que o discernimento político constitui elemento central no fazer diplomático e explora as condições históricas, políticas e axiológicas que moldam seu exercício no contexto democrático.

This paper seeks to explain how and why people join social movements. In a study of the Occupy movement, the authors set out to demonstrate that participation is a function of emotional attachments between participants – attachment through shared emotions regarding the loss of trust in traditional institutions and belief in efficacy of alternative, open, institutions. Using the concept of second-order emotions, the authors argue that the movement through horizontal democracy helps to regulate emotions through recognition of those emotions. The researchers argue that, in addition to a distrust of traditional institutions, social rituals in the Occupy movement serve to fortify collective emotions and create strong bonds between participants.

This article analyses happiness apps, a subset of quantified self (QS) applications focused on tracking and improving user subjective well-being or happiness. I examine these apps, the data they track, and the interventions they propose to explore the social, political, and ethical implications of QS practices associated with happiness apps. Despite their focus on science, data, and quantification, happiness apps are ideologically inflected, mediated through the influential research, rhetoric, and pedagogy of positive psychology. Positive psychology as the "science of happiness" applies research in order to maximise well-being globally, and it increasingly leverages technology for this goal. Through a close reading of the claims and functions of these happiness apps, I highlight their assumptions about the happy individual and good society. Happiness apps do not assess emotions objectively via user data; instead, they filter user emotions through positive psychology's theories of happiness that inform these apps' conceptions and standards of well-being. This article argues that happiness apps may function conservatively, teaching users to pursue happiness and the good life without recognizing that understandings of happy and good are not universal but inextricably bound to particular ideological assumptions, cultural contexts, and interpretations of what is positive, valuable, and desirable. The practice of tracking and operationalising user data via a happiness app is a complex, mediated practice. The data are mediated by the particular tool as well as users' individual understandings of and aspirations for happiness, which in turn are mediated by the rhetoric, ideology, and pedagogy of positive psychology. This triple mediation demonstrates that the QS is not neutral but instead embedded within social, cultural, economic, political, and ethical commitments.