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This article studies the change of cleavages in the post-authoritarian Chile using electoral & socioeconomic evidence that goes beyond presidential elections & public opinion polls. This research allows us to determine that the socioeconomic conditions (measured through the index of human development) have the expected effects on the percentage of votes obtained by each of the two major coalitions of the country (the governing Concertacion, & the opposition Alianza). In general terms, the Concertacion obtains better results in the communes with greater values of the index of human development & the Alianza in communes with lower levels of human development. Nonetheless, if we considered the curvilinear effects, the Alianza perform better in communes with extreme values of IDH & the Concertacion in the communes with average values. In other words, the Concertacion presents a distribution with a shape similar to an inversed U (n), & the Alianza otherwise (U). With respect to the vote of women we can affirm that, although they still tend to favor parties of the Alianza, women simultaneously tend to vote more to the women than to the men. Therefore, we can observe gender solidarity at the polls. 4 Tables, 2 Figures, 62 References. Adapted from the source document.

The study of coalition formation has primarily focused on the analysis of parliamentary regimes. This article examines the dynamics of coalition formation and breakdown under presidential regimes using evidence from Uruguay (1989-99). Using logistic regression I show that while coalitions are more likely to form immediately after a presidential election, the probability of a political group remaining in an executive coalition decreases as the presidential term elapses. As a result, cycles of cooperation and stalemate among political actors are likely to occur. I also conclude that not only the prospects for political cooperation but also the likelihood of a given fraction leaving a governing coalition are explained by the following variables: ideological affinity between the president's fraction and another political group; presidential approval ratings; affiliation of a fraction with the president's party; proximity of the coming election; and the fairness of the coalition agreement.

The study of coalition formation has focused primarily on the analysis of parliamentary regimes. This article examines the dynamics of coalition formation & breakdown under presidential regimes using evidence from Uruguay (1989-99). Using logistic regression, I show that, while coalitions are more likely to form immediately after a presidential election, the probability of a political group remaining in an executive coalition decreases as the presidential term elapses. As a result, cycles of cooperation & stalemate among political actors are likely to occur. I also conclude that not only the prospects for political cooperation, but also the likelihood of a given fraction leaving a governing coalition, are explained by the following variables: ideological affinity between the president's fraction & another political group; presidential approval ratings; affiliation of a fraction with the president's party; proximity of the coming election; & the fairness of the coalition agreement. 4 Tables, 4 Figures, 1 Appendix, 47 References. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract.This paper analyzes the connection between democracy and human development. In so doing, it examines two main questions: Are democracies better than non-democracies in achieving human development? Among democracies, is there a direct relationship between the actualization of civil and political rights and human development? In answering these questions, we offer a cross-national study of 18 Latin American countries from 1972 to 2001. We use fixed effect models for analyzing our cross-country, pooled time-series data. The evidence suggests not only that democracies are better than nondemocracies in fostering human development (controlling for wealth), but also that differences in degree of democracy have a significant impact on human development in terms of infant mortality and life expectancy.Résumé.Cet article analyse la relation entre la démocratie et le développement humain et aborde sous cet angle deux questions principales. Les régimes démocratiques assurent-ils mieux que les régimes non démocratiques le développement humain? Au sein des pays ayant un régime démocratique, y a-t-il une relation directe entre l'actualisation des droits civils et politiques et le développement humain? Pour répondre à ces questions, nous observons les données de 18 pays latino-américains sur une période allant de 1972 à 2001. En ce qui concerne la méthodologie, nous avons utilisé un modèle à effets fixes pour analyser nos données chronologiques consolidées regroupant plusieurs pays. Les résultats de notre analyse nous amènent à conclure que non seulement les régimes démocratiques réussissent mieux que les régimes non démocratiques à favoriser le développement humain (en mesurant le niveau de richesse), mais aussi que les différences dans les niveaux de démocratie ont également un effet notable sur le développement humain en termes de mortalité infantile et d'espérance de vie.