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AbstractBeing placed in restrictive housing is considered one of the most devastating experiences a human can endure, yet a scant amount of research has been conducted to test how this experience affects core indicators of prisoner reentry such as employment and recidivism. In this article, we use Danish registry data, which allow for us to link penal conditions to postrelease outcomes, to show how the reentry outcomes of individuals placed in disciplinary segregation, which is placement in restrictive housing because of disciplinary infractions, compare with those sanctioned for in‐prison offenses but not placed in segregation. The results from matched difference‐in‐differences analyses show that Danish inmates placed in disciplinary segregation experience larger drops in employment and larger increases in the risk of being convicted of a new crime in the 3 years after release from a correctional facility than do Danish inmates who were sanctioned for a serious offense but not placed in disciplinary segregation as a result. Because being placed in disciplinary segregation, and restrictive housing more broadly, is so common, these results indicate that restrictive housing placement may be a key moderator of the effects of incarceration that merits more attention from criminologists, provided the associations shown here represent causal effects and generalize.

AbstractCrime and subsequent imprisonment reduces men's chances on the marriage market and increases their divorce risk, but existing research, with a few notable exceptions, is silent about the underlying mechanisms driving these effects. This article studies the effect of home confinement under electronic monitoring as a noncustodial alternative to imprisonment on the risk of relationship dissolution and being single, thereby distinguishing between effects of incarceration and of committing crime. We study a policy that expanded the use of electronic monitoring to address nonrandom selection into electronic monitoring instead of in prison. Results from a sample of 4,522 men show that home confinement under electronic monitoring significantly and persistently lowers the risk both of being single and of becoming single during the first five years following conviction. The results show that one of the tools that could promote decarceration trends also secures better relationship outcomes of convicted men.

In this new report DIIS researchers Yang Jiang and Lars Erslev Andersen explore the changing strategic roles of the USA and China in the Persian Gulf region, in particular in view of US (mis)handling of local conflicts and China's expanding economic interest there, in order to identify the implications for Danish Middle East Policy. While the US has provided the security umbrella in the region, its handling of ethnic conflicts and civil wars has irritated members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Political developments, including 9/11 and the Arab Spring, have forced the member states of the GCC to take action to avoid the spread of democratic movements and reforms, while seeking to handle their own affairs without interference from the US, EU and UN. Problems in GCC-US relations also make GCC states look Eastwards for new partners, providing a power vacuum and opportunity for China to edge in. China has expanding economic involvement in the Gulf and has overtaken the US as the biggest importer of oil from the GCC. With expanding trade, investment and contract work in the Gulf, China seeks to protect its assets and citizens there. It can no longer follow the old diplomatic strategy of keeping a low profile and keeping business and politics separate. China has learned from crises in Libya and Sudan and changed its policy from non-intervention to active mediation, supporting UN sanctions, contributing to UN peacekeeping missions and securing peacekeeping to protect its oil interests. Doubts remain both within the GCC and in Chinese policymaking circles as to what extent China should be strategically involved in the Gulf, and China does not seek to challenge or replace the US as the security provider of the Middle East. However, there is no doubt that active pragmatism has become China's guiding diplomatic strategy and that we will see more political and strategic activities from China in the region. [.]

Foreign fighters bliver set som en massiv sikkerhedstrussel for vestlige lande. Især Syrienskrigerne har senest været i fokus, men debatten startede langt tidligere, særligt med henvisninger til truslen som siges at udgå fra den somaliske oprørsgruppe al-Shabaab. Hvad er det empiriske grundlag for den påståede kobling mellem regionale konflikter, jihadgrupper og en stigende og massiv trussel mod Vesten? Er der entydige eksempler på, at al-Shabaab organiserer angreb eller rekrutterer og træner fighters til at vende tilbage til Vesten med henblik på at udføre terrorisme? Empiri fra åbne kilder og analyse af al-Shabaab indikerer, at denne påståede sammenhæng mangler empirisk grundlag men ikke desto mindre bliver brugt som legitimerende begrundelse for at udvide støtte til antiterrorismeinitiativer og øge ressourcer og beføjelser til efterretningstjenester.

Foreign fighters are seen as a great threat to Western countries. The "Syria warriors" have recently been in focus, but the debate started much earlier, with particular reference to the threat that is said to be posed by the Somali rebel group al-Shabaab. What is the empirical basis for the alleged link between regional conflicts, Jihad groups, and a growing threat to the West? Are there clear examples of al-Shabaab organizing attacks or recruiting fighters to return to the West to carry out terrorism? Empirical data from open sources and analysis of al-Shabaab indicate that this alleged link lacks empirical basis, but nevertheless is used to legitimize extending support to anti-terrorism initiatives and increasing the resources and powers of intelligence services.

Abstract
Leveraging the richness of population register data in Denmark, this study provides an in-depth examination of the residential situations of the formerly incarcerated over the first 3 years after prison. These data allow us to examine precisely who former prisoners reside with after release, and whether the characteristics of housemates, such as prior conviction status, and relationship type, such as familial ties, are associated with criminal reconviction. While Denmark has one of the lowest incarceration rates in the world, like many other Western countries, it is challenged by high recidivism rates among the formerly incarcerated. Using data on the population of all individuals released from prison between 1991 and 2014 and estimation via Cox proportional hazards models, we find that formerly incarcerated individuals who move into a residence with other individuals with criminal records have significantly greater hazards of reconviction, even after controlling for an extensive set of observed confounders. Residing with family members, particularly spouses, significantly reduces the likelihood of recidivism, but only if the family members do not have a recent criminal conviction. Results underscore the importance of housing arrangements and family ties during the post-release period.