The Arab Revolts: Dispatches on Militant Democracy in the Middle East
In: Australian journal of international affairs: journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, Band 68, Heft 4, S. 484-486
ISSN: 1465-332X
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In: Australian journal of international affairs: journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, Band 68, Heft 4, S. 484-486
ISSN: 1465-332X
In: Australian journal of international affairs: journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, Band 68, Heft 4, S. 484-486
ISSN: 1035-7718
In: Journal of east Asian studies, Band 13, Heft 2, S. 259-280
ISSN: 2234-6643
Premodern Sino-Vietnamese relations may be
described by three systems of engagement that I
have labeled Strong China/Weak Vietnam, Weak
China/Strong Vietnam, and Strong China/Strong
Vietnam. These three states of interaction appear
at various points, beginning with Vietnamese
encounters with the Qin empire (221–206 b.c.e.)
through the early modern era. Brantly Womack has
already described the historical Sino-Vietnamese
relationship as politically "asymmetrical" with
China playing the strongman role, and the three
relational equilibriums described here do not
contradict Womack's thesis. Instead, I explore how
the generally asymmetrical states of affairs were
molded by historical context and the specific
ambitions of elite in the frontier region. While
the general conditions of the Sino-Vietnamese
relationship were asymmetrical, the choices
available to Chinese and Vietnamese leaders in
different periods varied widely.
In: Australian journal of international affairs: journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, Band 67, Heft 3, S. 376-378
ISSN: 1465-332X
In: Journal of east Asian studies, Band 13, Heft 2, S. 259-280
ISSN: 1598-2408
In: Australian journal of international affairs: journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, Band 67, Heft 3, S. 376-378
ISSN: 1035-7718
In: Australian journal of international affairs: journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, Band 66, Heft 3, S. 403-404
ISSN: 1465-332X
In: A Companion to Border Studies, S. 137-157
In: Australian journal of international affairs: journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, Band 66, Heft 3, S. 403-405
ISSN: 1035-7718
In: Australian journal of international affairs: journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, Band 65, Heft 5, S. 624-626
ISSN: 1035-7718
In: Australian journal of international affairs: journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, Band 65, Heft 3, S. 374-375
ISSN: 1035-7718
In: China review international: a journal of reviews of scholarly literature in Chinese studies, Band 18, Heft 2, S. 190-194
ISSN: 1527-9367
In: Australian journal of international affairs: journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, Band 64, Heft 3, S. 377-380
ISSN: 1035-7718
In: Australian journal of international affairs: journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, Band 64, Heft 3, S. 377-380
ISSN: 1035-7718
In: Nations and nationalism: journal of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, Band 14, Heft 1, S. 85-104
ISSN: 1354-5078
Outlining Ireland's long history of ethno-national conflict, and the recent protracted 'peace process' in Northern Ireland, contextualises a critique of the problems underlying such conflicts, and the difficulties in transforming externally imposed conflict management into self-sustaining conflict resolution. It is argued that the problems and difficulties are deeply rooted in a thoroughly modern complex of nationalism, ethnicity, sovereignty and representative democracy. These are knotted together in a common denominator of territoriality, an the nub of the problem is the 'double paradox' of democracy's undemocratic origins in the present. Territorially, the use of bordered geographical space, is a powerful and ubiquitous mode of social organisation which simplifies social control. But it can grossly oversimplify and distort social realities, particularly at borders and especially where territory is contested, thereby reinforcing other distorting simplifications typically found in the ethno-national conflicts. In consequence, radical remedies are needed if the problems are to be overcome. Making ethno-national peace paradoxically calls for more creative border-crosing conflicts around other issues. (Nations and Nationalism)
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