Suchergebnisse

Premodern Sino-Vietnamese relations may be
described by three systems of engagement that I
have labeled Strong China/Weak Vietnam, Weak
China/Strong Vietnam, and Strong China/Strong
Vietnam. These three states of interaction appear
at various points, beginning with Vietnamese
encounters with the Qin empire (221–206 b.c.e.)
through the early modern era. Brantly Womack has
already described the historical Sino-Vietnamese
relationship as politically "asymmetrical" with
China playing the strongman role, and the three
relational equilibriums described here do not
contradict Womack's thesis. Instead, I explore how
the generally asymmetrical states of affairs were
molded by historical context and the specific
ambitions of elite in the frontier region. While
the general conditions of the Sino-Vietnamese
relationship were asymmetrical, the choices
available to Chinese and Vietnamese leaders in
different periods varied widely.

This study investigates the continuing production of media effects research that focuses on the media violence and aggression (MV/A) connection. It does so by analyzing the production trends and characteristics evidenced in an archive of 966 MV/A journal articles. The analysis found the archive marked by initiatives in governmental funding and private philanthropy, shifting disciplinary interests, cycles of editorial attention, and the economies of disciplinary authentication and professional legitimation. Analysis of the mainline arguments indicated a shift from an audience-activated effect to one in which the individual is an unwitting accomplice. Finally, the study showed that the continuing interest in media serves to deflect attention from much more serious (but much more costly to remedy) sources of aggression and to elevate the role of media to that same level of importance.

Outlining Ireland's long history of ethno-national conflict, and the recent protracted 'peace process' in Northern Ireland, contextualises a critique of the problems underlying such conflicts, and the difficulties in transforming externally imposed conflict management into self-sustaining conflict resolution. It is argued that the problems and difficulties are deeply rooted in a thoroughly modern complex of nationalism, ethnicity, sovereignty and representative democracy. These are knotted together in a common denominator of territoriality, an the nub of the problem is the 'double paradox' of democracy's undemocratic origins in the present. Territorially, the use of bordered geographical space, is a powerful and ubiquitous mode of social organisation which simplifies social control. But it can grossly oversimplify and distort social realities, particularly at borders and especially where territory is contested, thereby reinforcing other distorting simplifications typically found in the ethno-national conflicts. In consequence, radical remedies are needed if the problems are to be overcome. Making ethno-national peace paradoxically calls for more creative border-crosing conflicts around other issues. (Nations and Nationalism)