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Issues regarding public policies and territorial differentiation have risen as a result of three contemporary phenomena: sectorial structural adjustments and their corresponding territorial impacts; the rescaling of political authority; and the emergence of a variety of local governance models. This dissertation analyses the evolution of six cities, historically modelled by national defence policy, in light of recent defence policy reforms and the rise in local government competencies. The scope of the analysis covers six cities, three in France and three in Italy. The dissertation demonstrates the need to analyse locally-specific forms of national and local public intervention; and their reciprocal interactions; in order to understand urban and social evolutions. It develops a framework inspired by historical sociology of the State that conceptualizes the links between public policy and territorial structuring and integration. On one hand, territorial retrenchment of national defence policy varies accross cities, as a result of negotiations between central defence and financial administrations, and increasing local government lobbying of the central State. On the other hand, it illustrates the varying degrees to which local governments are capable of organising and managing public intervention; and can transform spaces which are historically structured by the State. This capacity hinges upon the nature of urban political agendas; the existing means of institutionalised collective action; as well as upon the ways in which the State operates in cities. The dissertation helps redefine central/local relations in the context of decentralization and budgetary constraints. ; Les restructurations sectorielles et leurs différents effets localisés, le réétalonnage des échelles de l'autorité politique, les modes de gouvernement propres à chaque ville soulèvent une question sur les recompositions de l'action publique et la différenciation territoriale. Cette recherche prend pour objet le changement des villes ...

Issues regarding local policies and territorial differentiation have risen as a result of three contemporary phenomena: sectorial structural adjustments and their corresponding territorial impacts; the rescaling of political authority; and the emergence of a variety of local governance models. This dissertation analyses the evolution of six cities, historically modelled by national defence policy, in light of recent defence policy reforms and the rise in local government competencies. The scope of the analysis covers six cities, three in France and three in Italy. The dissertation demonstrates the need to analyse locally-specific forms of national and local public intervention; and their reciprocal interactions; in order to understand urban and social evolutions. It develops a framework inspired by historical sociology of the State that conceptualizes the links between public policy and territorial structuring and integration. On one hand, territorial retrenchment of national defence policy varies across cities, as a result of negotiations between central defence and financial administrations, and increasing local government lobbying of the central State. On the other hand, it illustrates the varying degrees to which local governments are capable of organising and managing public intervention; and can transform spaces that are historically structured by the State. This capacity hinges upon the nature of urban political agendas; the existing means of institutionalised collective action; as well as upon the ways in which the State operates in cities. The dissertation helps redefine central/local relations in the context of decentralization and budgetary constraints. ; Les restructurations sectorielles et leurs différents effets localisés, le réétalonnage des échelles de l'autorité politique, les modes de gouvernement propres à chaque ville soulèvent une question sur les recompositions de l'action publique et la différenciation territoriale. Cette recherche prend pour objet le changement des villes historiquement organisées par la politique de défense (trois villes en France et trois villes en Italie) sous l'effet des réformes des armées et de l'augmentation des compétences urbaines. Elle développe un cadre analytique issu de la sociologie historique de l'État qui systématise les liens entre les politiques publiques et la structuration et l'intégration territoriales. Le changement des espaces et sociétés urbains exige pour être compris l'étude des modes d'intervention de l'État et des modes d'intervention des exécutifs urbains dans leur articulation réciproque et propre à chaque ville. D'une part, les négociations au sein de l'État entre administrations financières et militaires, ainsi que les mobilisations au centre national par les élus locaux différencient les modes de retrait des armées d'une ville à l'autre. D'autre part, les exécutifs urbains ont une capacité inégale à organiser l'action collective et à transformer les espaces historiquement structurés par l'État. Elle est liée aux agendas politiques urbains et aux modes d'action collective institutionnalisés dans le temps, ainsi qu'aux interventions de l'État qui sont elles-mêmes différenciées entre les deux pays et à l'intérieur de ceux-ci. Ceci amène à revenir sur les transformations des relations central/local entre décentralisation et politiques de la contrainte budgétaire.

International audience ; This article contributes to the debate about urban governance in specialized European cities, by focusing on the interplay between changes in national defence policies and local initiatives. It is based upon qualitative research carried out in Toulon, a mid-sized French city and the biggest military port on the Mediterranean Sea. Firstly, it explains how the emergence of a new urban agenda aimed at diversifying the city from its military function challenged existing relations between the city and the Navy. As a consequence, new areas of conflict and cooperation can be observed. Secondly, it shows how political strategies adopted by elected officials respond to the need to legitimize the new agenda and to constrain the Navy to participate in it, while managing the military constituency. Despite a political discourse that proclaimed convergence of interest between the city and the Navy, the existence of a major conflict concerning the use and control of space doomed the partnership to a (partial) failure.

International audience ; This article contributes to the debate about urban governance in specialized European cities, by focusing on the interplay between changes in national defence policies and local initiatives. It is based upon qualitative research carried out in Toulon, a mid-sized French city and the biggest military port on the Mediterranean Sea. Firstly, it explains how the emergence of a new urban agenda aimed at diversifying the city from its military function challenged existing relations between the city and the Navy. As a consequence, new areas of conflict and cooperation can be observed. Secondly, it shows how political strategies adopted by elected officials respond to the need to legitimize the new agenda and to constrain the Navy to participate in it, while managing the military constituency. Despite a political discourse that proclaimed convergence of interest between the city and the Navy, the existence of a major conflict concerning the use and control of space doomed the partnership to a (partial) failure.

This paper contributes to the debate about the interplay between administrative reforms and public policies. It focuses on the effects of the autonomization of structures in charge for the "efficient management" and/or the privatization of Public Real Estate (PRE), which emerged in many European countries since the 1990s. Based upon a comparative analysis carried out in Italy and France, this paper analyses negotiations within the central State, central-local negotiations and policy outcomes in the re-use of military assets (which constitute the majority of PRE of State administrations). It is showed how MRE shifted from being a resource for defence policies to become the target of policies aimed both at improving its management and selling those buildings and lands "exceeding" administrative needs. First, this generated in both countries institutional conflicts and failures. Secondly, a contradiction emerged between two conflicting visions of PRE: the financial-budgetary one, and the planning-oriented one, which include the need for local governments to manage land use and mobilize PRE as a resource for local policies. Thirdly, the autonomization of the function of PRE management within the central State modifies long-term patterns of negotiation between Ministries of Defence and local governments and diminishes legal and political resources the latter have for negotiating prices, parcels and future land use.

This paper contributes to the debate about the interplay between administrative reforms and public policies. It focuses on the effects of the autonomization of structures in charge for the "efficient management" and/or the privatization of Public Real Estate (PRE), which emerged in many European countries since the 1990s. Based upon a comparative analysis carried out in Italy and France, this paper analyses negotiations within the central State, central-local negotiations and policy outcomes in the re-use of military assets (which constitute the majority of PRE of State administrations). It is showed how MRE shifted from being a resource for defence policies to become the target of policies aimed both at improving its management and selling those buildings and lands "exceeding" administrative needs. First, this generated in both countries institutional conflicts and failures. Secondly, a contradiction emerged between two conflicting visions of PRE: the financial-budgetary one, and the planning-oriented one, which include the need for local governments to manage land use and mobilize PRE as a resource for local policies. Thirdly, the autonomization of the function of PRE management within the central State modifies long-term patterns of negotiation between Ministries of Defence and local governments and diminishes legal and political resources the latter have for negotiating prices, parcels and future land use.

S'inspirant des recherches sur les liens entre composition socioéconomique des villes et formes localisées de régulation politique, cet article analyse une ville caractérisée par la présence de structures militaires d'envergure, Toulon, et la population militaire qui y travaille et réside. Il montre les relations entre une population urbaine (et un groupe professionnel), ses formes d'organisation et d'expression d'intérêts, et son influence sur la sphère politique et les politiques publiques urbaines. Les « marins » à Toulon sont une population difficilement saisissable, mais considérée par les édiles toulonnais comme un groupe qui structure la composition sociale de la ville. Deux logiques de coordination de cette population sont mises en lumière. La première, liée à aux mécanismes de compétition électorale, relève de la nécessité de garder et de mobiliser le soutien des militaires (actifs et retraités) en tant qu'électorat de poids. La deuxième est inhérente à leur statut professionnel. Le Ministère de la Défense prend historiquement en charge les besoins de cette population, ce qui en fait un groupe faiblement gouverné en tant que public cible des politiques publiques urbaines. Pour autant, l'intégration de la Marine dans une stratégie de développement local et les nouveaux besoins de l'institution militaire font aujourd'hui des marins un nouveau public des politiques municipales.

Urban space can be seen as a rare resource and is therefore likely to become the object of conflicting interests. This paper analyzes the relations between the army and the local government in Toulon, and their negotiations about the use and control of urban land. A contradiction between the inclusion of the army in a coalition for local development and diverging priorities about urban spaces is pointed out. Different strategies are developed by local authorities, aimed at institutionalizing the relations with the army. Indeed, the latter is considered as an actor controlling strategic resources for Toulon's development. The strategies are based upon a new framing of the military presence in the city, the establishment of regular and ritualized meetings, and the use of middle-men. However, the existence of a main cleavage concerning the use and control of city land makes the army an urban veto player, rather than a member of an urban coalition for local development. As a consequence, newly created institutions fail.

S'inspirant des recherches sur les liens entre composition socioéconomique des villes et formes localisées de régulation politique, cet article analyse une ville caractérisée par la présence de structures militaires d'envergure, Toulon, et la population militaire qui y travaille et réside. Il montre les relations entre une population urbaine (et un groupe professionnel), ses formes d'organisation et d'expression d'intérêts, et son influence sur la sphère politique et les politiques publiques urbaines. Les « marins » à Toulon sont une population difficilement saisissable, mais considérée par les édiles toulonnais comme un groupe qui structure la composition sociale de la ville. Deux logiques de coordination de cette population sont mises en lumière. La première, liée à aux mécanismes de compétition électorale, relève de la nécessité de garder et de mobiliser le soutien des militaires (actifs et retraités) en tant qu'électorat de poids. La deuxième est inhérente à leur statut professionnel. Le Ministère de la Défense prend historiquement en charge les besoins de cette population, ce qui en fait un groupe faiblement gouverné en tant que public cible des politiques publiques urbaines. Pour autant, l'intégration de la Marine dans une stratégie de développement local et les nouveaux besoins de l'institution militaire font aujourd'hui des marins un nouveau public des politiques municipales.

Urban space can be seen as a rare resource and is therefore likely to become the object of conflicting interests. This paper analyzes the relations between the army and the local government in Toulon, and their negotiations about the use and control of urban land. A contradiction between the inclusion of the army in a coalition for local development and diverging priorities about urban spaces is pointed out. Different strategies are developed by local authorities, aimed at institutionalizing the relations with the army. Indeed, the latter is considered as an actor controlling strategic resources for Toulon's development. The strategies are based upon a new framing of the military presence in the city, the establishment of regular and ritualized meetings, and the use of middle-men. However, the existence of a main cleavage concerning the use and control of city land makes the army an urban veto player, rather than a member of an urban coalition for local development. As a consequence, newly created institutions fail.

International audience ; This article contributes to current debates on urban austerity by comparing public land privatisations in French and Italian cities. These privatisations have emerged in several countries during the last two decades as a recurring austerity measure. However, current research does not explain how similar national public land austerity policies result in diverse urban outcomes. This article tackles this limitation by developing an analytical model of the different types of urban austerity. It uses the intergovernmental system and local policy capacity as the main variables to explain four local patterns of austerity, i.e. gridlock austerity, nationally mitigated austerity, locally mitigated austerity and opportunistic austerity. Drawing on nine case studies covering two public landowners, the article shows that public land austerity policies have become routine practice based on compromises in French cities, but conflictual and based on ad hoc solutions in Italian cities. ; 本文通过比较法国和意大利城市的公共土地私有化,为当前关于城市紧缩的辩论做出了贡献。作为经常性的紧缩措施,这些私有化在过去二十年中已经在一些国家出现。然而,目前的研究并未解释类似的国家紧缩政策如何导致不同的城市结果。本文通过开发不同类型的城市紧缩的分析模型来解决这一局限。我们利用政府间系统和地方政策能力作为主要变量来解释四种地方性紧缩模式,即僵局紧缩、 全国缓解紧缩、地方缓解紧缩和 机会主义紧缩。根据涉及两个公共土地所有者的九个案例研究,本文表明,公共土地紧缩政策已经成为法国城市妥协的常规做法,但在意大利城市,这种紧缩却是冲突性的,并且是临时解决方案。

International audience ; This article contributes to current debates on urban austerity by comparing public land privatisations in French and Italian cities. These privatisations have emerged in several countries during the last two decades as a recurring austerity measure. However, current research does not explain how similar national public land austerity policies result in diverse urban outcomes. This article tackles this limitation by developing an analytical model of the different types of urban austerity. It uses the intergovernmental system and local policy capacity as the main variables to explain four local patterns of austerity, i.e. gridlock austerity, nationally mitigated austerity, locally mitigated austerity and opportunistic austerity. Drawing on nine case studies covering two public landowners, the article shows that public land austerity policies have become routine practice based on compromises in French cities, but conflictual and based on ad hoc solutions in Italian cities. ; 本文通过比较法国和意大利城市的公共土地私有化,为当前关于城市紧缩的辩论做出了贡献。作为经常性的紧缩措施,这些私有化在过去二十年中已经在一些国家出现。然而,目前的研究并未解释类似的国家紧缩政策如何导致不同的城市结果。本文通过开发不同类型的城市紧缩的分析模型来解决这一局限。我们利用政府间系统和地方政策能力作为主要变量来解释四种地方性紧缩模式,即僵局紧缩、 全国缓解紧缩、地方缓解紧缩和 机会主义紧缩。根据涉及两个公共土地所有者的九个案例研究,本文表明,公共土地紧缩政策已经成为法国城市妥协的常规做法,但在意大利城市,这种紧缩却是冲突性的,并且是临时解决方案。