Suchergebnisse

Explores evolution of the Russian-Chechen conflict, shift in Chechen rebels' goal from creating a democratic Chechnya to establishing a theocratic state, and nationalism, anti-Semitism, and Islamic jihad in Chechnya. Summaries in English and Spanish p. 426-7 and 441.

PurposeOur study examines multinational enterpris (MNE) decisions to withdraw from the Russian market on moral grounds in reaction to the Russo–Ukrainian war. We investigate to what extent these decisions reflect the normative organizational resilience of MNEs under institutional pressures in Russia. We test the impact of various macro- (home democracy, institutional quality, stakeholder pressure) and micro-variables (ESG criteria) that define the organizational identities of MNEs in relation to their withdrawal decisions. Our sample comprises 1,648 companies from 55 countries doing business in Russia before the start of the conflict.Design/methodology/approachTo test our hypotheses, we perform a nuanced analysis using both latent constructs and regression analysis on data for 1,648 MNEs.FindingsOur results are in line with the foreign divestment literature, suggesting that MNEs are likely to exit normatively distant countries.Originality/valueIn this study, we explore the impact of organizational values on normative responses of MNEs to a geopolitical crisis. We introduce a normative organizational resilience construct to demonstrate how MNEs respond to institutional pressures in a host country, in this case Russia. Making exit decisions on moral grounds, MNEs have acted as social actors endowed with moral sense and intentionality, in conformity with their organizational values.

PurposeExploration of potential markets in foreign regions such as Europe becomes critical for emerging market multinational enterprises (MNEs). This study aims to investigate structural factors that affect the location choice of Chinese and Indian MNEs in Europe and compares them with USA and Japanese MNEs.Design/methodology/approachThe authors use a holistic approach to identify possible configurations of the determinants of Indian and Chinese outward foreign direct investment (FDI) into 38 European countries. The authors test two configurations as follows: knowledge-seeking by Chinese and Indian MNEs in "non-predictable" markets; market-seeking by USA and Japanese MNEs.FindingsThe findings reveal several strategies deployed in Europe by Chinese and Indian MNEs that are more specific than the pure strategies identified in the literature (e.g. market-seeking, knowledge-seeking). More importantly, unlike USA and Japanese MNEs, the findings confirm a two-stage strategy hypothesis for Chinese MNEs in Europe. Additionally, they show that the quality of institutions and infrastructure underlies the attractiveness of a territory.Research limitations/implicationsMultilevel configurational research might have also been used to consider firm- and industry-level determinants.Practical implicationsGood governance positively affects the entire set of locational determinants. In addition, good infrastructure and institutions are necessary conditions for a country to attract FDI inflow.Originality/valueRecent internationalization models have been useful in identifying drivers of FDI by emerging market multinational enterprises vs advanced market multinational enterprises in Europe. This study mobilizes a comparative configurational approach.

PurposeWhile many studies have investigated the impact of institutional factors (i.e. financial risk factors) in the host country on inward foreign direct investment (FDI), fewer studies have researched on the locational aspects of FDI in relation to the political economy. This paper aims to fill this gap by examining the effects of the political economy on inward FDI in Poland's regions and in other CEE (Central and Eastern Europe) countries.Design/methodology/approachThe paper develops a theoretical argument postulating that political economy affects locational determinants of FDI inflow. To test this hypothesis empirically, several analyses were performed at the national level (Poland, Bulgaria, Romania, Slovakia and the Czech Republic) and at the subnational level (Poland's provinces). First, the "footloose" nature of FDI inflows using the time series analysis was examined. Then a fixed-effect panel data regression model and a dynamic adjustment model to quantify the impact of political ideology and agglomeration effects were performed.FindingsAfter controlling for economic and institutional determinants of FDI, the findings indicate that, in transitional economies, ideology affects the locational choice of multinational corporations (MNCs). At the national level, the results show that political risk, liberalization and economic reforms are important drivers of FDI inflows. At the subnational level, the vote for a liberal party positively affects the distribution of FDI in the provinces. Another finding is that electoral cycles also affect FDI inflows at regional levels in Poland. Finally, this study provides some supporting evidence for the "footloose" nature of FDI in case of external shocks.Originality/valueThis study contributes to the literature on the locational determinants of FDI by showing that ideology constitutes an important factor for locational choices by MNCs. The findings have important implications for public policy decision-makers who are seeking to improve the attractiveness of their country or region as an FDI destination.

When a crowd opposing the despotic regime of Islam Karimov gathered on the main square of Andijan, Uzbekistan in May 2005, many observers believed that this Central Asian dictatorship was next in line for a "velvet revolution." The master of Tashkent refused to cede, though, unleashing his troops. Horrified, the West vilified Karimov, pushing Uzbekistan -- which had until then enjoyed good relations with Washington -- into the arms of Beijing & Moscow. But the question is whether or not a "massacre of peaceful civilians" actually took place in Andijan. In fact, the demonstrators were Islamic fundamentalists armed to the teeth. Unfortunately, there are only two viable forces in this critically strategic country. One is the dictatorial regime & the other is fundamentalists with close ties to Bin Laden. This means it would be preferable to apply intelligence pressure on the Tashkent regime rather than simply break off ties. Adapted from the source document.