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After the end of the Civil War, the Franco regime tried to consolidate itself in the tragic socioeconomic context of the post-war years. How was it possible for a regime to establish and implant itself in spite of an economic crisis and a desperate and undernourished population? As this article demonstrates, a brutal policy of autarky underpinned the consolidation of Francoism. Through the daily mechanisms of autarky and the black market to which it gave rise, the 'New State' and its local representatives repressed their Civil War opponents on a daily basis. At the same time, the regime secured the consent of its local supporters by offering them the chance to feather their own nests. In this way, hunger formed the ballast of the new ship of state because the regime was able to force some into starvation while allowing others to profit through the control of much needed resources.

El artículo analiza el fenómeno del mercado negro o "estraperlo" en España durante la posguerra. Ahonda en el por qué de su aparición, caracterizándolo y explicando su funcionamiento. Después, pasa a analizar, de forma diferenciada, dos grandes tipos de estraperlo: el "gran estraperlo", llevado a cabo por personas cercanas a la órbita política del régimen, tolerado por el "Nuevo Estado" y mediante el que se obtendrían impresionantes beneficios; y el "pequeño estraperlo", el mercado negro que tuvo como protagonistas a los más pobres, fue duramente perseguido por las autoridades franquistas, y no tenía otro fin que alcanzar la supervivencia en una situación de hambre generalizada. El estraperlo fue una auténtica "arma política" en manos del régimen del general Franco, dado que mediante su gestión premió a sus apoyos sociales, a la vez que castigaba y excluía a las clases más bajas. Así, el estraperlo se convirtió en una pieza clave para asegurar la estabilidad del régimen franquista. ; The article analyses the black market or "estraperlo" phenomenon in Spain during the postwar years. It explores why it appeared, describing and explaining its functioning. It also studies the two different types of black market: the "big estraperlo", developed by the regime grassroots, tolerated by the "New State" and through which impressive benefits were obtained; and the "small estraperlo", the black market featured by the lower social classes, sternly persecuted by Francoist authorities, and that it had no other goal than to reach survival in the context of a harsh socioeconomic context. The "estraperlo" was a real "political weapon" for the General Franco regime, because through its management rewarded its grassroots while punished and excluded the lower social classes. Thus, the "estraperlo" was an essential cornerstone to assure the stability of the Francoist regime.

El franquismo fue un régimen parafascista inserto en la Europa de entreguerras. No alcanzó grados de consenso y adhesión comparables al nazismo alemán o al fascismo italiano, pero lo cierto es que, a pesar de las amenazas que hicieron peligrar su estabilidad durante los años cuarenta, permaneció incólume y estable. El franquismo logró un cierto consenso entre sus apoyos sociales, mientras que excluía a los vencidos de su proyecto político. Tres fueron las claves para que fuese así: una 'cultura de la victoria' que legitimaba la situación, la represión sobre los vencidos y la gestión de la miseria. ; The Franco regime displayed many of aspects of the fascism that marked interwar Europe. Although Francoism did not achieve the same degree of consensus and support enjoyed by its Nazis and Fascist counterparts, it did command enthusiasm among its grassroots supporters. Accordingly, it proved able to withstand a number of serious challenges in the 1940s, while continuing to push those from the defeated side in the Spanish Civil War of 1936-139 to the margins of social and political life. Three key factors explain this success: a victory culture that bestowed legitimacy on the regime; the repression of the defeated and the accompanying exploitation of shortages and hunger in everyday life.

El estudio del personal político es un elemento fundamental para comprender el régimen de Franco. Centrándonos en el estudio de los poderes locales del mundo rural podemos acercarnos a las raíces de los apoyos sociales del franquismo. En el marco de algunas localidades del mundo rural del sureste Español, analizamos la imagen política y social de los alcaldes y gestores que, desde abajo, auparon y dieron continuidad al régimen. Y percibimos una ruptura respecto a épocas anteriores: asistimos a la llegada de unos «hombres nuevos», jóvenes, sin apenas participación política con las derechas tradicionales antes del 18 de julio, con una directa implicación y compromiso con el bando nacional durante la Guerra Civil, y de un origen social tremendamente heterogéneo. ; In order to understand the Franco regime and how it functioned, it is crucial to study its state administration and those persons who staffed it. More specifically, the roots of this administration lie in the local authorities of rural communities from which the regime received much of its social support. Within the context of some towns in the rural South-Eastern Spain, we will analyze the political and social image of the mayors and town councillors who were the foundation of the Franco regime. Amongst these one can perceive a rupture in respect to the men who made up the local political classes. This change was the product of the arrival of "new men", young men without any previous political or administrative experience, and hence not part of the pre-Civil War "traditional Right". Instead, these men made their reputations and political contacts through their direct participation in the "National Uprising", and signified a much more heterogeneous social group than those that constituted the traditional local elite.

La década de los cuarenta, con la guerra civil, es uno de los momentos más comprometidos y difíciles para la sociedad española de todo el siglo XX. No sólo por ser una sociedad dividida, marcada por la dramática brecha del conflicto bélico, el exilio y la represión; también por la situación de miseria en que vivió sumida gran parte de la población. Los largos años cuarenta han quedado grabados en la memoria colectiva como momentos de escasez, de penuria y, en definitiva, de miseria generalizada. Pero, ¿hasta qué extremos llegó la tragedia? Estudiamos las condiciones socio-económicas del periodo autárquico a partir de una documentación alternativa a la ofrecida por el régimen franquista. Para ello empleamos los informes y memorias de la diplomacia británica referidos a los años cuarenta. Así, intentamos ofrecer fotografías más precisas de la realidad socioeconómica del primer franquismo a través de una lente más transparente. Tras caracterizar y analizar la política económica autárquica, ahondamos en dos aspectos de las trágicas condiciones de vida: el hambre y las enfermedades. Descubriremos, a través de testimonios fiables y con una plasticidad sobrecogedora, que la situación que vivieron las clases más humildes fue más extrema de lo que hemos pensado hasta ahora. Ese paisaje no les dejaría otra opción que abandonar cualquier intento de oposición al régimen, y optar por intentar sobrevivir. En definitiva, la crítica situación económica, la represión socioeconómica y la desmovilización política derivadas de los efectos de la economía autárquica, se convirtieron finalmente en factores decisivos en la solidez y continuidad del régimen franquista. ; The 1940s, together with the civil war years, may be regarded as one of the most difficult and challenging periods for Spanish society in the whole of the twentieth century. Not only because it was a divided society, marked by the deep rift occasioned by war, exile and repression, but also because of the poverty in which a large part of the population lived. The long years of the 1940s have remained ingrained in the collective memory as a time of shortage, hardship and generalized poverty. But just how dire was this tragic period? This article examines the socio-economic conditions of the period of autarky, using an alternative source of information from that offered by the Franco regime: reports by British diplomats referring to the 1940s. In this way, we seek to present a more accurate picture of the socio-economic reality of the early years of the Franco regime. After describing and analysing the economic policy of autarky, we focus on two aspects of the tragic living conditions: hunger and disease. Through reliable and disturbingly vivid accounts, we discover that the hardships experienced by the poorer classes were more extreme than previously believed. Precisely because of this desperate situation, such people would be constrained to pursue their own survival rather than attempt to oppose the regime. In short, the critical economic situation, socio-economic repression and political demobilization arising from the effects of the autarkic economy, were ultimately to become determining factors in the solidity and continuity of the Franco regime.

The 1940s, together with the civil war years, may be regarded as one of the most difficult and challenging periods for Spanish society in the whole of the twentieth century. Not only because it was a divided society, marked by the deep rift occasioned by war, exile and repression, but also because of the poverty in which a large part of the population lived. The long years of the 1940s have remained ingrained in the collective memory as a time of shortage, hardship and generalized poverty. But just how dire was this tragic period? This article examines the socio-economic conditions of the period of autarky, using an alternative source of information from that offered by the Franco regime: reports by British diplomats referring to the 1940s. In this way, we seek to present a more accurate picture of the socio-economic reality of the early years of the Franco regime. After describing and analysing the economic policy of autarky, we focus on two aspects of the tragic living conditions: hunger and disease. Through reliable and disturbingly vivid accounts, we discover that the hardships experienced by the poorer classes were more extreme than previously believed. Precisely because of this desperate situation, such people would be constrained to pursue their own survival rather than attempt to oppose the regime. In short, the critical economic situation, socio-economic repression and political demobilization arising from the effects of the autarkic economy, were ultimately to become determining factors in the solidity and continuity of the Franco regime. ; La década de los cuarenta, con la guerra civil, es uno de los momentos más comprometidos y difíciles para la sociedad española de todo el siglo XX. No sólo por ser una sociedad dividida, marcada por la dramática brecha del conflicto bélico, el exilio y la represión; también por la situación de miseria en que vivió sumida gran parte de la población. Los largos años cuarenta han quedado grabados en la memoria colectiva como momentos de escasez, de penuria y, en ...

Desde 1898 hasta la actualidad, la desigualdad ha estado lejos de evolucionar en una sola dirección. La fuerte reducción en la concentración de los recursos que se produjo en las décadas centrales del siglo XX ha dado paso en la época más reciente al resurgir de la desigualdad. En este artículo se analiza la desigualdad de la renta de mercado, la concentración de la riqueza y el efecto de las políticas redistributivas.

El presente estudio analizó la prevalencia del riesgo suicida y su relación con la comunicación familiar y el apoyo parental en estudiantes de 18 a 21 años matriculados en la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Honduras durante el año 2021. El estudio utilizó un diseño cuantitativo de alcance relacional. La muestra estuvo conformada por 280 estudiantes universitarios. Del total de participantes, 9.99 % ha tenido al menos un intento suicida. Además, 8.92 % reportó haber hecho planes para quitarse la vida y quería morir. El 15 % lo planificó, pero no concretó el intento. Los resultados indican que ninguna de las variables de estudio varía significativamente según el sexo del estudiante. Es decir, que hombres y mujeres reportaron niveles similares de cohesión, expresividad y conflictos familiares, así como de apoyo parental y riesgo suicida. En comparación a quienes viven sin sus padres, los jóvenes que cohabitan con ambos progenitores reportan un menor riesgo suicida y una mayor cohesión familiar. De igual forma, los participantes que viven con ambos padres reportan que estos tienen mayores demandas y expectativas, en comparación a quienes solo viven con su padre. El análisis relacional indica que el riesgo suicida está positivamente relacionado a la presencia de conflictos familiares. A la vez, la responsividad parental, sus demandas y expectativas, la cohesión y expresividad están inversamente relacionados al riesgo suicida, evidenciando su rol como potenciales factores protectores.

Durante la Guerra Civil española, la clase social sirvió como catalizador de la represión ejercida por las fuerzas republicanas. En este artículo exploramos el proceso de incautación que tuvo como objetivo a personas identificadas por su capital económico, social y cultural. Nuestra principal fuente son los expedientes de la Caja General de Reparaciones, una institución creada por la República en septiembre de 1936 para confiscar los activos de los sospechosos de colaborar con el golpe militar. Los fondos extraordinariamente detallados permiten comprender cómo la incautación de bienes de «rebeldes y desafectos» tuvo como trasfondo el deseo de nacionalizar las grandes empresas y perseguir a los enemigos de clase.

The European Union (EU) has launched two regional investment programs of European Funds (FE) in the last decade. One covers the period of 2007 to 2013, and the second from 2014 to 2020. Among the goals contained in FE regulations is that of achieving sustainable growth through the conversion of fossil energy production systems to renewable energy. This research has had a goal to determine whether the countries of the Eurozone maintain homogeneous levels of efficiency in the use of these resources to improve the levels of environmental quality related to the use of this type of energy. The adopted research method for efficiency analyses was Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA). Findings revealed that the efficiency in the use of renewable energies is very uneven among the analyzed countries and that these differences are maintained throughout the analyzed period. These results suggest that the criteria for the distribution of the funds should be modified. The current distribution is mainly based on the per capita income of the countries and/or regions. In this way, compliance with the European Green Pact approved in September 2020 would be guaranteed.

Meiosis is the developmental program by which sexually reproducing diploid organisms generate haploid gametes. In yeast, meiosis is followed by spore morphogenesis. These two events are normally coordinated in such a way that spore formation is dependent upon completion of the meiotic nuclear divisions. Here we describe a meiosis-specific protein, mfr1, that is involved in this coordination. mfr1 is an activator of the anaphase-promoting complex (APC), which is necessary for the rapid degradation of the cdc13 cyclin at the end of meiosis II, prior to the formation of spores. An mfr1 null mutant completes meiosis II but remains with high levels of cdc13 and cdc2 kinase activity and has considerably delayed spore formation. By analogy with the mitotic cell cycle, where proteolysis and inactivation of cdc2 kinase are necessary to trigger mitotic exit and cytokinesis, we propose that at the end of meiosis rapid and timely proteolysis of cyclins is required to switch on the differentiation program that eventually leads to the formation of haploid gametes. ; This work was supported by funding from the Comision Interministerial de Ciencia y Tecnología (CICYT) and the European Union. ; Peer Reviewed

Intro -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Illustrations -- Figures -- Tables -- Contributors -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction: Famine, not hunger? -- The silencing of the famine -- The famine -- Overview of the chapters -- Part I: Famine and malnutrition in Spain: Political and socio-economic conditions -- Chapter 1: The famine that 'never' existed: Causes of the Spanish famine -- Francoist explanations: War destruction, drought and international solation -- The main cause: Autarkic policy -- Chapter 2: Agricultural crisis and food crisis in early Francoism: Hunger seen through the lens of biophysics -- Introduction -- Sources and methods -- Results: A long and deep food crisis -- Exploring the causes of the food crisis -- Conclusions -- Chapter 3: Tracing the physical consequences of famine and malnutrition in Franco's Spain1 -- Introduction -- The economic context of the famine and its effects on height -- Exploring the regional disparities and territorial differences -- Conclusions -- Part II: Famine, poverty and daily life -- Chapter 4: Iniquitous famine: Marginalized mothers and children -- Hunger in the Franco zone in the Civil War -- Hunger in government territory in the Civil War -- Post-war famine and disease in Franco's prisons -- Post-war famine, disease and child removal in everyday life -- Conclusion -- Chapter 5: When there was nothing. An ethnography of the years of hunger in post-war Extremadura: Memory and representation of scarcity -- Extremadura: A land of the rich, the poor and day labourers -- For some, 'there was almost nothing' -- Memory and representations of a 'hunger always of others' -- Chapter 6: 'Pícaros De Posguerra'. Turning to crime to survive famine and malnutrition in early Francoism (1939-52) -- 'Lack of work and lack of bread'.