Suchergebnisse

Der Beitrag versucht aufzuzeigen, in wie fern die Beschäftigung mit der Debatte um das Scheitern der "großen" Entwicklungstheorien (Modernisierungstheorie, Dependenztheorie) für die Vermittlung von Entwicklungstheorien und die Arbeit auf dem Gebiet der Entwicklungsforschung fruchtbar gemacht werden kann. Hierzu werden zunächst die Grundlinien dieser Debatte nachvollzogen. Es schließt sich ein Überblick über entwicklungstheoretische Entwürfe seit Ende der 1980er Jahre an (Neoklassik/Neoliberalismus, Post-Development, Neuer Realismus). Abschließend werden Argumente vorgetragen, die den Wert und die Bedingungen einer theoretischen Sicht auf die Entwicklungsproblematik herausstellen. (ICE2)

Adolescent asylum seekers have been an independent, yet understudied group in the German Youth welfare service since 2016. Due to the separation from their familiar surroundings, young people must establish new connections with their peers in supervised living groups. However, little is known about this special group in the youth welfare system as there are only a few studies covering the situation of adolescent asylum seekers in residential groups. In our study, we apply a mixed‐methods approach to analyse the self‐understanding of adolescent asylum seekers, social comparisons between the perceived own group and outside group and link them with data on the emergence of friendship ties among adolescent asylum seekers. Analytically, we describe institutional factors and narratives (qualitative focus) and access structural mechanisms (demographics, network organization principles) via network regression models (quantitative focus). Our results indicate a strong influence of a high level of upstreamness in the network in the tie creation and less influence from factors like age and religion. Following this, our study provides first indications about patterns of connection and separation in this niche group.

Mainstream International Relations and Foreign Policy Analysis have often concentrated on material factors and actors' preferences, leaving out ideational dynamics. However, US–Latin American relations in general seem fraught with ideas, narratives and historical references re-articulated from time to time on both sides. In his campaign, Barack Obama announced a fresh start of US–Latin American relations, promising to "restore American leadership in Latin America", at the same time creating "a new partnership for the Americas", combining two narratives in US–Latin American policy. "Leadership", enshrined in the Monroe Doctrine and the Roosevelt corollary, which declared Latin America the "backyard" of the USA, and "Partnership", related to the Good Neighbor Policy declared by Franklin Delano Roosevelt, which aimed at establishing a more equal relation of partners. This discourse shows that inherited traditions and foreign policy narratives are subject to cycles of re-production, re-articulation and subtle change. In order to grasp the relevance of ideas in US–Latin American relations, we advocate a turn towards "ideational approaches" of discursive and constructivist providence. The article first situates "ideas" to key concepts of a more interpretive foreign policy analysis, which focuses on tradition and narratives. As a second step, US–Latin American relations are located within a specific, hegemony-oriented ideational account of foreign policy. Two analytical sketches of crucial cases of recent US–Latin American relations follow, the War on Drugs and the reactions towards the coup d'état in Honduras, showing how ideas were articulated on both the USA and the Latin American side and what role they played. The overall focus of the paper is thus on elucidating the ideational dynamics that underpin the political relations between the USA and Latin America.

"The comment of Alexander Brand and Tina Roeder is guided by two central questions. First, they enquire about the value of normative reflections to enhance existing modes of governance in the sense of improving situations by means of legal instruments. Secondly, the specific value of normative reflections as compared to other approaches is addressed. Regarding the latter, Brand and Roeder suggest that all three contributions find a particular value of normative reflections, albeit on different levels of analysis. At the same time, they also find the Limits of normative thinking in each of the chapters. In the end, they conclude, normative action cannot be considered a panacea for handling global risks. Instead it might contribute to finding a point of equilibrium between the necessary and the possible in managing risks. The last part of the volume presents examples of alternative modes of governance in different policy fields. Naturally, the respective global risks in the three contributions appear completely distinct not only in nature but also in scope. However, this part intends to provide more than individual spot-lights on unrelated policy fields from three different academic perspectives. Instead, the focus of each of the three contributions lies on offering an alternative to traditional modes of governance in relation to the respective risks, by enlarging the perspective from which the object of study is examined and sometimes by crossing the boundaries of academic disciplines." (extract)

This article combines our empirical analysis concerning the impact of EU- and European-level developments on socio-economic patterns in the field of German football with the growing Europeanisation research agenda in EU Studies. Going beyond the traditional top-down (and bottom-up) approaches dominating this field of study, we seek to contribute to this debate by focusing on what we term the 'societal/trans-national' dimension of Europeanisation. This allows us to draw attention to societal spheres and transnational agency as important aspects/properties of change in Europeanisation processes. Through analysing five cases within the area of German football, we not only want to shed some light on an under-researched field of study for political scientists interested in Europeanisation. We also aim at exploring the applicability of systemising factors of the Europeanisation process derived from the analysis of political contexts to other areas of social interaction in order to capture hitherto neglected processes.

Der Begriff "Impfdiplomatie" erfreut sich seit Beginn der Corona-Krise und den einsetzenden Maßnahmen zu ihrer Eindämmung neuer Beliebtheit. Politik, Medien und Wissenschaft richten ihre Aufmerksamkeit dabei auf Aktivitäten von Staaten (u.a. China, Russland, Indien und die USA) und Staatenbünden wie der EU, die auf die Beschaffung und Verteilung von Impfpräparaten an bedürftige Länder sowie das Ausrollen von Impfkampagnen dort gerichtet sind. Ebenso fallen darunter diplomatische Initiativen, die auf die Schaffung globaler Verteilungsmechanismen zur Bekämpfung der Corona-Pandemie gerichtet sind, vor allem COVAX. Unser Artikel diskutiert, welchen Beitrag diese Anstrengungen mit Blick auf ein Mehr an Impfgerechtigkeit potenziell besitzen und bis dato entfaltet haben. Eine solcherart an Bedürfniskriterien orientierte Verteilung könnte dabei auch als solidarisch charakterisiert werden. Basierend auf einer Analyse von Motivlagen und daraus bisher resultierenden Wirkungen von Impfdiplomatie kommen wir zu dem Schluss, dass geopolitische, Image- und wirtschaftliche Interessen einem Mehr an Impfgerechtigkeit im Wege stehen. Grassierender Impfnationalismus sowie die hinter den Erwartungen zurückbleibende COVAX-Initiative lassen auch für die nähere Zukunft befürchten, dass globale Ungleichheiten durch Impfdiplomatie eher noch verstärkt denn eingeebnet werden.