AbstractThis article considers the related projects of child as method and childism, as two critical childhood projects attempting to re‐engage childhood studies with wider geopolitical arenas. Firstly, each model's origins in their respective subject discipline are discussed, to, secondly, highlight how this shapes convergences as well as divergences in political project. Third, there is consideration of what is at stake in key conceptual tensions identified. It is suggested that the differences of address and contrasting (disciplinary and conceptual) sites of intervention work in complementary ways to strengthen the broader project of embedding childhood studies within sociopolitical theories and practices.
While there are a lot of contestations over the identity and subjectivity of women performers and entertainers of Awadh, three terms denote the most popular representations of these women in the nineteenth century. These are: the trained and sophisticated tawaʾif of the Nawabi court, the vulgar and titillating 'nautch' girls of the city and the ill-mannered and promiscuous "prostitute" of the British cantonment. For long, these terms have been used to weave a linear narrative about the courtesan's eventual fall from grace, which does not take into account the politics behind these categorisations nor women's participation therein. This paper focuses instead, on the making and unmaking of these ontological categories to argue that, while these categories are neither exhaustive nor holistic, they are reflective of the institutions wherein they flourished, the cultural specificities of their existence and the peculiarities of their labour practices. An analysis of these dynamics shall present a more detailed and genealogical history of how women inhabited, embodied, extended and/or negotiated with power structures. This holds the utmost importance in the context of contemporary reminiscence of Lucknow's past, which, while being marked by a celebration of the courtesan culture, is often accompanied by erasure of their lived experiences, presenting unidimensional imagery that is both unhistorical and ahistorical.
When I disembarked in the world of Swedish libraries eight years ago, I was an extraterrestre. So far, I had spent my career in the academic research world where the prevailing values are independence, critical distance, competitiveness and the ability to find innovative and alternative solutions, but sometimes we can feel isolated. What attracted me most in the world of libraries,. ; Lorsque j'ai débarqué dans le monde des bibliothèques suédoises il y a huit ans, j'étais un extraterrestre. Jusque-là, j'avais passé ma carrière dans le monde de la recherche universitaire où les valeurs dominantes sont l'indépendance, la distance critique, la compétitivité et la capacité à trouver des solutions innovantes et alternatives, mais où on peut parfois se sentir isolé. Ce qui m'attirait le plus dans le monde des bibliothèques, ai …
Στην εργασία αυτή σκιαγραφείται μια φεμινιστική αντιψυχολογική προσέγγιση ανάλυσης εκδοχών της παιδικής ηλικίας. Με σημείο εκκίνησης το χαρακτηρισμό του φεμινισμού ως αντιψυχολογίας από την Squire (1990), η εργασία αναλύει την ανάπτυξη του παιδιού ως κείμενο. Παρατίθενται παραδείγματα από ένα εύρος θεσμικών πρακτικών καιειδών, με στόχο να αναδειχθούν κάποιες ανατροπές των σύγχρονων τρόπων έκφρασης της φυσιολογικοποιημένης παιδικής ηλικίας, που αναδύθηκαν πρόσφατα στο βρετανικό Βορρά. Δεν προκαλεί, ενδεχομένως, έκπληξη το γεγονός ότι οι πρόσφατες αποκλίσεις από το ορθολογικό, αυτόνομο, ενιαίο υποκείμενο της μοντέρνας αναπτυξιακής ψυχολογίας (βλ. Henriques et al, 1984. Burman 1994, 2008a) προδίδουν πολιτικές συνέχειες με παλαιότερες διατυπώσεις (ειδικά σε σχέση με τον οικογενειοκεντρισμό. Παρότι η εποχή μας έχει χαρακτηριστεί συχνά ως ευέλικτη, θα υποστηριχθεί ότι οι λανθάνουσες συνέχειες που διέπουν τις εμφανείς αλλαγές –κυρίως όσον αφορά τη διαμόρφωση έμφυλων και φυλετικά χρωματισμένων αναπαραστάσεων– αναδεικνύουν κάποια θεμελιώδη παγιωμένα στοιχεία, μολονότι τους αποδίδεται τώρα μια «δημοκρατική» χροιά. Υποστηρίζεται ότι μέσω της εξάπλωσής τους αλλά και της μεταξύ τους αντιπαράθεσης αυτά τα ποικίλα κείμενα μπορούν να τεθούν στην υπηρεσία μιας κριτικής αφήγησης. Αυτή η πολιτική-μεθοδολογική παρέμβαση λειτουργεί, πρώτον, ώστε να αποδομήσει την αντίθεση ανάμεσα στη δημοφιλή πολιτισμικά γνώση και στην ειδική γνώση (της αναπτυξιακής ψυχολογίας) και να καταδείξει την αμοιβαία υποστήριξη και νομιμοποίησή τους. Δεύτερον, μέσω αυτού του δείγματος διαθέσιμων αναπαραστάσεων της παιδικής ηλικίας αναδεικνύεται μια θεμελιώδης στρατηγική (όπως περιέγραψε και η Richards, 1998) τοποθέτησης της ψυχολογίας στην περιορισμένη (πολιτισμικά και ιστορικά) θέση της. Η εργασία τελειώνει με κάποιες γενικότερες επιστημολογικές και δεοντολογικές σκέψεις, που αφορούν τις συμμαχίες και τους ανταγωνισμούς ανάμεσα σε διεπιστημονικές προσεγγίσεις της παιδικής ηλικίας, και τη συμβολή τους στην αμφισβήτηση ευρύτερων αναπτυξιακών συστημάτων λόγου. ; This chapter outlines a feminist antipsychological approach to analyzing childhoods. Taking up Squire's (1990) characterisation of feminism as antipsychology, this paper analyses child development as text. Examples drawn from a range of institutional practices and genres are juxtaposed, to highlight some newly emerging twists of contemporary tropes of northern, normalised childhoods. Unsurprisingly perhaps, recent departures from the rational, autonomous, unitary subject of modern developmental psychology (c.f. Henriques et al, 1984; Burman 1994, 2008a) betray political continuities with older formulations (especially in relation to familialism). Notwithstanding these supposedly flexible times, it will be argued that covert continuities underlying discernable shifts - especially around the configuration of gendered and racialised representations - indicate some key consolidations, albeit now accorded apparently 'democratic' hues. Both in their proliferation andvia their juxtaposition, it is suggested, these diverse texts can be installed within a narrative of critique. This political-methodological intervention works, therefore, firstly, to deconstruct the opposition between popular cultural and expert (developmental psychological) knowledges to mediate their mutual elaboration and legitimation. Secondly, this sample of available representations of childhood illustrates a key strategy of (as in Richards's formulation, 1998), putting psychology in its (culturally and historically limited) place. The paperends with some more general epistemological and ethical reflections on the alliances and antagonisms of inter- and cross-disciplinary approaches to childhood, and their contributions to challenging widerdevelopmental discourses.
Στην εργασία αυτή σκιαγραφείται μια φεμινιστική αντιψυχολογική προσέγγιση ανάλυσης εκδοχών της παιδικής ηλικίας. Με σημείο εκκίνησης το χαρακτηρισμό του φεμινισμού ως αντιψυχολογίας από την Squire (1990), η εργασία αναλύει την ανάπτυξη του παιδιού ως κείμενο. Παρατίθενται παραδείγματα από ένα εύρος θεσμικών πρακτικών καιειδών, με στόχο να αναδειχθούν κάποιες ανατροπές των σύγχρονων τρόπων έκφρασης της φυσιολογικοποιημένης παιδικής ηλικίας, που αναδύθηκαν πρόσφατα στο βρετανικό Βορρά. Δεν προκαλεί, ενδεχομένως, έκπληξη το γεγονός ότι οι πρόσφατες αποκλίσεις από το ορθολογικό, αυτόνομο, ενιαίο υποκείμενο της μοντέρνας αναπτυξιακής ψυχολογίας (βλ. Henriques et al, 1984. Burman 1994, 2008a) προδίδουν πολιτικές συνέχειες με παλαιότερες διατυπώσεις (ειδικά σε σχέση με τον οικογενειοκεντρισμό. Παρότι η εποχή μας έχει χαρακτηριστεί συχνά ως ευέλικτη, θα υποστηριχθεί ότι οι λανθάνουσες συνέχειες που διέπουν τις εμφανείς αλλαγές –κυρίως όσον αφορά τη διαμόρφωση έμφυλων και φυλετικά χρωματισμένων αναπαραστάσεων– αναδεικνύουν κάποια θεμελιώδη παγιωμένα στοιχεία, μολονότι τους αποδίδεται τώρα μια «δημοκρατική» χροιά. Υποστηρίζεται ότι μέσω της εξάπλωσής τους αλλά και της μεταξύ τους αντιπαράθεσης αυτά τα ποικίλα κείμενα μπορούν να τεθούν στην υπηρεσία μιας κριτικής αφήγησης. Αυτή η πολιτική-μεθοδολογική παρέμβαση λειτουργεί, πρώτον, ώστε να αποδομήσει την αντίθεση ανάμεσα στη δημοφιλή πολιτισμικά γνώση και στην ειδική γνώση (της αναπτυξιακής ψυχολογίας) και να καταδείξει την αμοιβαία υποστήριξη και νομιμοποίησή τους. Δεύτερον, μέσω αυτού του δείγματος διαθέσιμων αναπαραστάσεων της παιδικής ηλικίας αναδεικνύεται μια θεμελιώδης στρατηγική (όπως περιέγραψε και η Richards, 1998) τοποθέτησης της ψυχολογίας στην περιορισμένη (πολιτισμικά και ιστορικά) θέση της. Η εργασία τελειώνει με κάποιες γενικότερες επιστημολογικές και δεοντολογικές σκέψεις, που αφορούν τις συμμαχίες και τους ανταγωνισμούς ανάμεσα σε διεπιστημονικές προσεγγίσεις της παιδικής ηλικίας, και τη συμβολή τους στην αμφισβήτηση ευρύτερων αναπτυξιακών συστημάτων λόγου. ; This chapter outlines a feminist antipsychological approach to analyzing childhoods. Taking up Squire's (1990) characterisation of feminism as antipsychology, this paper analyses child development as text. Examples drawn from a range of institutional practices and genres are juxtaposed, to highlight some newly emerging twists of contemporary tropes of northern, normalised childhoods. Unsurprisingly perhaps, recent departures from the rational, autonomous, unitary subject of modern developmental psychology (c.f. Henriques et al, 1984; Burman 1994, 2008a) betray political continuities with older formulations (especially in relation to familialism). Notwithstanding these supposedly flexible times, it will be argued that covert continuities underlying discernable shifts - especially around the configuration of gendered and racialised representations - indicate some key consolidations, albeit now accorded apparently 'democratic' hues. Both in their proliferation andvia their juxtaposition, it is suggested, these diverse texts can be installed within a narrative of critique. This political-methodological intervention works, therefore, firstly, to deconstruct the opposition between popular cultural and expert (developmental psychological) knowledges to mediate their mutual elaboration and legitimation. Secondly, this sample of available representations of childhood illustrates a key strategy of (as in Richards's formulation, 1998), putting psychology in its (culturally and historically limited) place. The paperends with some more general epistemological and ethical reflections on the alliances and antagonisms of inter- and cross-disciplinary approaches to childhood, and their contributions to challenging widerdevelopmental discourses.
Abstract I argue that a central claim of Ásta's conferralist framework – that it can account for all social properties of individuals – is false, by drawing attention to (opaque) class. I then discuss an implication of this objection; conferralism does not meet its own conditions of adequacy, such as providing a theory that helps to understand oppression. My diagnosis is that this objection points to a methodological problem: Ásta and other social ontologists have been fed on a "one-sided diet" of types of examples, resulting in a limited view of the paradigmatic social phenomena, thus making conferralism too narrow to fulfill its intended role.
Though land comprises a significant component of the total asset portfolio of Indian households, the quality of land titles is poor. So far, policies have been directed at improving government records, with the objective of being able to issue titles that are "conclusive" in nature, and an indemnity system run by the state that compensates those who suffer from errors or omissions of government agencies maintaining such records. This paper explores an alternative method of reaching the same objective—title insurance. Recently, the 2016 Real Estate Regulation Act has allowed state governments to require title insurance for real estate projects. There is, however, no title insurance available in the Indian market yet. This paper examines the nature of title insurance to propose mechanisms by which title insurance can be introduced in India and highlights important regulation considerations to help introduce title insurance market in India successfully.
This contradiction "1. The universal right to free speech did not exist before the European Enlightenment, at which time it came into existence. 2. The universal right to free speech has always existed, but this right was recognized only at the time of the European Enlightenment." (Searle) draws on two common and conflicting intuitions: The human right to free speech exists because institutions, or the law, says so. In contrast, the human right to free speech can exist independently of institutions—these institutions simply recognize a right we already have. John Searle argues that his status function account of human rights can preserve both intuitions by showing that the inconsistency between (1) and (2) is merely apparent. I argue that this solution works for tokens of human rights but not for types, while the contradiction concerns types. Hence, the status function account of human rights fails to preserve both intuitions.
This article offers a critical discursive reading of the 2014 Character and Resilience Manifesto (hereafter the Manifesto), focusing on the sources and legitimation strategies supporting its claims. As an All Party Parliamentary Group on Social Mobility document, the Manifesto traces both old and new discursive tropes framing policy strategy on education and social care, extending into current political agendas around mental health and well-being and even child safeguarding and securitisation. While the Manifesto's supposed evidence-based claims draw extensively on a specifically commissioned literature review undertaken by Gutman and Schoon, problems are identified with how this is represented in the Manifesto, including significant omissions and slippages within Gutman and Schoon's text and between this and the Manifesto. Analysis highlights exaggerations of the claims made in Gutman and Schoon's review in the Manifesto while important conceptual clarifications (between resilience and coping and the non-generalisability of resilience) are overlooked. Commentators' cautions over the evaluation and comparability of current programmes also fail to appear. Beyond such asymmetries, a common narrative identified across both texts reformulates emotions away from their 'soft', culturally feminised, associations to become 'hard and tough', and abstracted from relationship and (sociopolitical) context. Clearly, such gendering of emotions can be situated in relation to wider discourses of feminisation, alongside others de-emphasising classed and racialised inequalities. Overall, the Manifesto performs its own rhetoric, manifesting its own buoyancy to resist critical engagement and further the contemporary moral doctrine of inciting voluntarist optimistic subjects, devoid of attention to class, gender or racialised inequalities.
This article discusses the persistence of figuring Canadian multiculturalism as a success story, in the face of growing international attention to the degradation of Indigenous life and sovereignty in Canada. It examines three issues: nationalist investments in and scholarly/activist critiques of multiculturalism; dehumanizing bodily and discursive violence directed at Indigenous women by way of government policies, interpersonal violence, and media narratives; and recent activist expressions of anti-settler colonial politics diffused through social media. Gender is central to the interrogation of difference-making in Canada; it is conspicuously absent in mainstream formulations of multiculturalism, grievously present in gender-based violence, and a key basis for resistance to settler colonialism. The article's aim is to complement the growing body of writing that connects multiculturalism and the politics of recognition to dismissals of Indigenous claims to political sovereignty, cultural self-determination, and freedom from bodily harm. The connection is not paradoxical—It is correlational.
