Suchergebnisse

This volume explores some of the key features of popular politics and resistance before and after 1994. It looks at continuities and changes in the forms of struggle and ideologies involved, as well as the significance of post-apartheid grassroots politics. Is this a new form of politics or does it stand as a direct descendent of the insurrectionary impulses of the late apartheid era? Posing questions about continuity and change before and after 1994 raises key issues concerning the nature of power and poverty in the country. Contributors suggest that expressions of popular politics are deeply set within South African political culture and still have the capacity to influence political outcomes. The introduction by William Beinart links the papers together, places them in context of recent literature on popular politics and 'history from below' and summarises their main findings, supporting the argument that popular politics outside of the party system remain significant in South Africa and help influence national politics. The roots of this collection lie in post-graduate student research conducted at the University of Oxford in the early twenty-first century.

Stand‐up comedy is a rich arena of sociological inquiry that enables social actors to utter bold truths in a way that educates rather than offends. As such, stand‐up comedy can inform conversations around potentially "thorny" issues like racial inequality. This article draws on primary qualitative content analysis of the work of Kura Forrester, a female, Indigenous comedian in Aotearoa New Zealand, to illustrate the potential of comedians and the medium of stand‐up comedy as agents of change. We employ the concepts "parrhesia," "critical public pedagogy," and "prefiguration" to argue that stand‐up comedy provides a valuable opportunity to challenge racist stereotypes, encourage critical reflection on "race‐thinking," and imagine out loud what an alternative, decolonial future in Aotearoa New Zealand might entail.

Proponents and opponents of reparations for Blacks vociferously
disagree. Conservative opponents argue that reparations for Black
slavery are a disastrous idea and that proponents are motivated by
either greed or the desire to do harm to the republic. Liberal and left
opponents of reparations argue that the advocacy on this issue will
lead to great racial divisions and do potentially irreparable harm to
progressive movements. Supporters of reparations argue that it is a
case of simple justice. That during the colonial, slavery, and Jim Crow
eras Blacks were systematically oppressed and exploited with the active
support of the state. They also argue that both domestic and
international precedents strengthen the case for Black reparations.
This paper shows that there is a tremendous divide between Blacks and
Whites on questions of both an apology to Blacks as well as monetary
reparations. The racial divide extends to support for the reparations
to Japanese-Americans who were victims of official incarceration during
World War II. Finally, multivariate analyses demonstrates that for both
Blacks and Whites, racialized views of politics are best predictors of
support for or opposition to reparations.

Considers the state of inquiry on race & politics, tackling the field's fragmentation, among other problems. Stressing the need for a firm theoretical background, it is contended that understanding the process of racialization & racial orderings across history & from various racial & ethnic perspectives is required. In addition, it is contended that analyses will benefit by examining how race intersects other social cleavages, eg, class & gender. Following an overview of racial ordering as a theoretical framework for viewing US race dynamics, attention turns to outlining lessons to be learned from the disciplines of psychology, economics, sociology, history, & gender studies, calling for an exchange of ideas & methods to develop an interdisciplinary approach. Research & subject dimensions that ought to be addressed by new or continued inquiry include the aforementioned race-other cleavage nexus, nonwhite racial groups conflict & cooperation, transcending the black-white paradigm, the role of ideology, white racial attitudes, data collection appropriate to the complexity of the US, immigration-race dynamics, the information technology revolution & new economy, & racialized state policy making. It is seen as necessary to build a bond between normative & positive political theory & empirical studies of race. J. Zendejas