Though much fodder for the fires of gossip & scandal surfaced during the Clinton presidency, it must be recognized that Clinton's ability to govern was drastically influenced by the effects of the separation of powers. This article examines the two governance phases of the Clinton administration. The first phase occurred in the time period prior to the 1994 elections, elections that resulted in the loss of control over both houses of Congress. The second phase occurred from 1994 until the end of Clinton's second term, during which time Clinton was unable to regain control over Congress. In discussing Clinton's position of "gridlock," it is evident that three "debilitating flaws" prevented Clinton from achieving his policy objectives. However, Clinton's uncanny ability to survive despite "flaws" will no doubt contribute to this president's yet undecided legacy. K. A. Larsen
The demands on natural leaders have changed dramatically in recent decades. Opportunities for bold innovation appear to have passed, prompting instead a focus on consensus building and partnership. Drawing on evidence from five Anglo‐American democracies, this article argues that a diminished faith in public institutions and declining willingness to support altruistic community programs are reshaping the possibilities for national chief executives.
It is noted that Weber's original programme for understanding the conduct of individuals cannot be realised because the concept of motive is no longer employed by sociologists. The principal reasons for this loss are shown to lie in C. Wright Mills's reformulation of the concept in conjunction with the influence of certain post-Wittgensteinian philosophers. Taken together these influences led to a progressive process of displacement as first, the original `dynamic' connotations were discarded such that `motive' was equated with `the reason' or `the reasons' for acting, and then second, identified with `justifications' and `excuses'. The arguments advanced to support these changes of usage are then considered and shown to be in part dependent on selective interpretations, or to rest on contestable claims concerning the contexts in which actors might discuss motives and the role of actor-accounts in action. It is concluded that there is no good reason for the abandonment of the concept of motive.1
Since the 1970s, reformers have pressed innovation in Whitehall management. However, the reinvention efforts by both the Thatcher and Major governments under the banners of public choice and managerialism have led the reform movement to a dead end. Using interviews ranging from 1978 to 1993 and drawing upon the works of public management theorists, this article analyzes the obstacles to reinventing government in the UK. Namely, the politicization of the process coupled with HM Treasuy's stronghold on expenditures has limited managerial discretion and built mistrust of veforms among civil servants. Rather than creating an environment conducive to innovations in public management, the UKs efforts have deepened the divide between policymakers and administrators.
Argues that the tendency to denigrate consumerism derives from the widespread acceptance of sociological theories that represent consumers as prompted by such reprehensible motives as greed, pride, or envy. These theories are largely unsubstantiated & fail to address the distinctive features of modern consumption, eg, the apparent insatiability of wants & the preference for the novel over the familiar. A more plausible view of consumerism regards it as an aspect of hedonism, & links consumption to the widespread practice of daydreaming. Seen in this light, one can discern an idealistic dimension to modern consumption. Adapted from the source document.