Suchergebnisse

The author looks into the Germanic ideas of Central Europe until the end of World War One. First, he reviews different meanings of the term "Central Europe" and its omission or inclusion in encyclopaedias and lexicons. Then he goes on to describe the concepts of Central Europe by German and Austrian thinkers, who define it as various ways of political, cultural and economic organization of the Central European region. The Germanic ideas of Central Europe tried to politically link the divided German ethnos, protect it from the influence of the "decadent" West and create a bulwark towards Russia. The author concludes that the underlying base of the Germanic ideas of Central Europe ("Sonderweg"). That is why they are grounded in romanticism and the rebuttal of liberal and democratic values, ensuing from the fatuity of German bourgeoisie. These ideas were proselytised with the intention of securing for the young nation its exclusive space, Central Europe, and ensuring its place in world history. (SOI : PM: S. 166)

The author looks into the Germanic ideas of Central Europe until the end of World War One. First, he reviews different meanings of the term "Central Europe" & its omission or inclusion in encyclopedias & lexicons. Then he goes on to describe the concepts of Central Europe by German & Austrian thinkers, who define it as various ways of political, cultural, & economic organization of the Central European region. The Germanic ideas of Central Europe tried to politically link the divided German ethnos, protect it from the influence of the "decadent" West & create a bulwark towards Russia. The author concludes that the underlying base of the Germanic ideas of Central Europe is German history as a "special path" (der Sonderweg). That is why they are grounded in romanticism & the rebuttal of liberal & democratic values, ensuing from the fatuity of German bourgeoisie. These ideas were proselytized with the intention of securing for the young nation its exclusive space, Central Europe, & ensuring its place in world history. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines the ideological function of history, which stems from its task as society's self-reflection, by analyzing the past & enumerating the features of historiography. The text includes a short review of historiography (which is becoming aware of its limitations & the new demands for a distance in time & space from the facts it investigates) & historians' influence on the accuracy of its findings. The ideological function of history is illustrated by various thematizations of the same events in history textbooks, which were in use during different political systems on the territory of the present-day Croatian state. The author thinks that today's historiography is faced with a seemingly contradictory demand: it should reach the truth in its depiction of the past, but at the same time caution against the relativity of its findings. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines the ideological function of history, which stems from its task as society's self-reflection, by analyzing the past & enumerating the features of historiography. The text includes a short review of historiography (which is becoming aware of its limitations & the new demands for a distance in time & space from the facts it investigates) & historians' influence on the accuracy of its findings. The ideological function of history is illustrated by various thematizations of the same events in history textbooks, which were in use during different political systems on the territory of the present-day Croatian state. The author thinks that today's historiography is faced with a seemingly contradictory demand: it should reach the truth in its depiction of the past, but at the same time caution against the relativity of its findings. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

The influence of the radical right in the whole of Central Europe not only continues to grow, but has reached its apex by gaining power in Poland and Hungary. Its success is often attributed to two factors: a) the weakness of civil society, and b) economic and social crisis. We shall try to dispute these theses by using the example of Poland. We will defend a thesis that contradicts the usual claim that developed civil society also fosters democracy, and will show that the radical right owes its success precisely to its strength in civil society. This text will also show that there is no direct connection between the radical right and economic crisis, and that the real reason for its success is the dominance over the public discourse. The text is divided into three parts: the first will define the concept of the radical right and give an overview of the theories about its rise; the second part will focus on different explanations of the relationship between civil society and liberal democracy; and the third part will discuss the characteristics and activities of the most important organisations of the Polish radical right and their place in civil society and politics.