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The Kosovo war in perspective
In: International affairs, Band 85, Heft 3, S. 593-608
ISSN: 1468-2346
The Kosovo war in perspective
In: International affairs, Band 85, Heft 3, S. 593-608
ISSN: 0020-5850
World Affairs Online
Beyond humanitarian intervention: the new politics of peacekeeping and intervention
In: Contemporary politics, Band 14, Heft 4, S. 429-446
ISSN: 1469-3631
Civil-military relations and democracy in the new Europe
In: OSCE yearbook, Band 13, S. 281-295
World Affairs Online
Zivil-militärische Beziehungen und Demokratie im neuen Europa
In: OSZE-Jahrbuch, Band 13, S. 307-324
World Affairs Online
Security in the New Europe
In: European foreign affairs review, Band 13, Heft 4, S. 584-585
ISSN: 1384-6299
AUFGABEN, INSTRUMENTE, MECHANISMEN UND VERFAHREN - AUFBAU KOOPERATIVER SICHERHEIT: Zivil-militärische Beziehungen und Demokratie im neuen Europa
In: OSZE-Jahrbuch, Band 13, S. 307-324
Nato: globalization or redundancy?
In: Contemporary security policy, Band 25, Heft 3, S. 391-408
ISSN: 1743-8764
Chapter 2. The Iraq War: The Enduring Controversies and Challenges
In: SIPRI yearbook: armaments, disarmament and international security
ISSN: 0953-0282, 0579-5508, 0347-2205
Operation Iraqi Freedom began early on 20 March 2003. On 9 April US forces took control of central Baghdad and the Iraq Government fell. Major combat operations ended formally on 1 May 2003, although by 14 April -- when US forces gained control of Tikrit, the last Iraqi city to exhibit organized resistance -- coalition forces had occupied all of Iraq. As of May 2004 the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) was still in Iraq, facing resistance from various Iraqi forces, while the role of the USA and the wider international community in rebuilding the country remained deeply contentious. The 2003 Iraq war was, and is likely to remain, one of the most controversial conflicts of modern times. The decision by the world's only superpower to go to war in Iraq without explicit authorization from the United Nations Security Council provoked deep divisions within the international community and within states. Controversy surrounded the public justification for the war, in particular the degree and immediacy of the threat posed by Iraq's nuclear, biological and chemical (NBC) weapon programs and whether the use of force was the most effective approach to dealing with that threat. The war was also controversial because it raised deeper issues of principle and precedent, including whether and under what circumstances the use of force may be a legitimate and effective response to the proliferation of NBC weapons; whether and under what circumstances the removal by force of governments or leaders -- 'regime change' -- may be a legitimate and wise policy; the role of the UN Security Council in arriving at decisions of this kind given the inherent limitations of that body; and the role of the USA in world affairs given its overwhelming power. Supporters of the war can claim that one of the world's cruelest regimes has been brought to an end, that the possibility that that regime might develop a strategically threatening WMD arsenal or supply such weapons to terrorists has been removed, and that new prospects for political change in the Middle East have been generated. Critics can argue that the extent of the WMD threat posed by Iraq -- the primary casus belli -- was greatly exaggerated; that the costs of the war in terms of lives lost, economic outlays and the destabilization of Iraq have been high; and that the fabric of international order has been damaged. The ambiguous outcome of the war -- the successful overthrow of Saddam Hussein's regime, the failure to discover evidence of WMD and the serious ongoing post-war problems -- suggests that neither argument has been fully vindicated. The Iraq war and the Bush Administration's formalization of the doctrine of pre-emptive warfare in its 2002 National Security Strategy provoked much debate about whether the USA would engage in similar operations elsewhere in the world-with Iran, North Korea and Syria seen as the most likely targets for US-imposed regime change. The rapid and overwhelming victory of the USA in March-April 2003 appeared to vindicate the view that US military superiority had revolutionized the nature of warfare and to suggest that the Iraq war might be a precedent for similar US actions elsewhere. The subsequent post-war problems faced by the USA, however, showed that the challenges of post-war stabilization may be greater than those of war itself; that the long-term costs, direct and indirect, of regime change may be very great indeed; and that the USA is likely to need wider international support to achieve its objectives. The USA could yet succeed in building a democratic Iraq, defeating those determined to prevent such an outcome and making Iraq a catalyst for democratic change elsewhere in the region. The ongoing violence in Iraq and the continuing disputes between the country's political, religious and ethnic groups could, however, also result in continuing instability within Iraq; the country becoming a failed state or even descending into civil war; and the spill-over of instability into neighboring states. The impact of the Iraq war on WMD proliferation and terrorism is also difficult to assess. Potential proliferators may draw the conclusion that the costs and risks of acquiring WMD have increased significantly, but they may also conclude that the only way to prevent themselves from becoming the victims of regime change is to develop a credible deterrent. Similarly, the Iraq war may have exacerbated the problem of international terrorism by creating a new frontline in Iraq and by fuelling Arab and Islamic resentment. Conversely, by triggering new debate on the political future of the greater Middle East it may also have created a chance to address the deeper causes of radical Islamic terrorism. Adapted from the source document.
NATO: globalization or Redundancy?
In: Contemporary security policy, Band 25, Heft 3, S. 391-408
ISSN: 1352-3260, 0144-0381
Afghanistan and the New Dynamics of Intervention: Counter-Terrorism and Nation Building
In: SIPRI yearbook: armaments, disarmament and international security, S. 167-194
ISSN: 0953-0282, 0579-5508, 0347-2205
In response to the 11 Sept 2001 terrorist attacks, the US launched military operations against Afghanistan in Oct 2001. The combination of US airpower, special forces, & local allies resulted in the collapse of the Taliban regime by Dec 2001. Despite the establishment of an interim government, a commitment to hold democratic elections by June 2004 & the deployment of an International Security Assistance Force, tensions between Afghanistan's ethnic groups continue & much of the country remains under the control of regional warlords. Afghanistan shows that while military force can be used to counter terrorist groups, terrorism will not be defeated by military means alone & fragmented states are likely to remain a source of instability. 1 Figure. Adapted from the source document.
Comment 11 September 2001, one year on: A new era in world politics?
In: Contemporary politics, Band 8, Heft 4, S. 271-284
ISSN: 1469-3631
On the Edge: Ukrainian-Central European-Russian Security Triangle. Ed. Margarita M. Balmaceda. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2000. xi, 268 pp. Notes. Index. Tables. $49.95, hard bound
In: Slavic review: interdisciplinary quarterly of Russian, Eurasian and East European studies, Band 61, Heft 2, S. 374-375
ISSN: 2325-7784
Democratic control of armed forces in the OSCE area: problems and challenges
In: OSCE yearbook, Band 7, S. 285-295
World Affairs Online