Suchergebnisse

This volume focusses on non-state actors and political conflicts but also attends to the broader themes of the series. The research emphases the roles and motivations of non-state actors in conflicts or post-conflict situations in the post-Cold War era; as well outlining the dynamics of social movements, conflicts, or change. This volume highlights the motivations and interests of non-state violent actors (NSVAs) in the post-Cold War era; the role of identity and/or ideology in the conflicts or resolutions of so-called "new wars;" the impact of NSVAs in conflict and/or peace-making; and the ways in which IGOs and NGOs interact with NSVAs in conflicts or post-conflict zones

AbstractThis article assesses the relationship between community mediation and the justice system. It begins by tracing the evolution of the community dispute resolution movement and its reliance on the court system for case referrals and funding. The concerns surrounding this reliance are twofold: the redefinition of the community mediation movement and the compromises made in the freedom and integrity of the mediation process.

AbstractMediation is an ideal alternative to court for many matters. Referrals involving disputants with certain emotional or mental disabilities may or may not be appropriate for community mediation as it is currently being practiced. In many cases, community mediation must become more flexible and accessible; it must offer coaching in advance, allow advocate participation, use mediators skilled in disability issues, and adapt the process. In other cases, centers must assess the "mediation readiness" of disputants. In all cases, community mediation needs to become more deeply nested in human services referral networks. Screening criteria through which mediation programs might assess disputant readiness are suggested.

Protest, social movements, and global democracy since 2011 : new perspectives / Thomas Davies, Holly Eva Ryan and Alejandro Milcíades Peña -- Do issues matter? Anti-austerity protests' composition, values and action repertoires compared / Maria T. Grasso and Marco Giugni -- Occupying organization : space as organizational resource in Occupy Wall Street / Gianmarco Savio -- Protest and recognition in the Bulgarian Summer 2013 movement / Delia Hallberg and Marinus Ossewaarde -- Challenging the gospel of neoliberalism? Civil society opposition to mining in Armenia / Armine Ishkanian -- Transnational resistance networks : new democratic prospects? The Lyon-Turin railway and No TAV movement / Lisa Ariemma and Judith Burnside-Lawry -- When social movements become a democratizing force : the political impact of the student movement in Chile / Sofia Donoso -- Religion and political activism in post-revolutionary Tunisia / Anna Grasso -- Anarchy or utopia? Turkish media representation of the Gezi Park protests / Zeynep Cihan Koca-Helvacı -- Saudi intervention, sectarianism, and de-democratization in Bahrain's uprising / Marc Owen Jones

During war, space for debate shrinks. Narrow ideas of patriotism and democracy marginalize and silence opposition to militarism abroad and repression at home. Although powerful, these ideas encounter widespread resistance. Analyzing the official statements of 15 organizations from 1990-2005, the authors show that the U.S. peace movement strongly contested taken-for-granted assumptions regarding nationalism, religion, security, and global justice

Black feminist scholars argued decades ago for working for peace and justice from the intersections of people's multiple identities. A body of scholarship focused on intersectionality subsequently arose since doing so is thought to have broader appeal and be more efficacious. However, the degrees to which social movements actually use intersectional discourses is undetermined. Quantitative and qualitative data analyses from a longitudinal study (1990–2005) of peace movement organizations (PMOs) reveals surprisingly low levels of use. A subset of data from the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), a group thought to be highly likely to use intersectional discourses, was used to further explore the disconnect between public statements and organizational sensibility. Findings show that while WILPF historically did not use intersectionality discourses, usage significantly increased in their recent civil society consultation process regarding women and security issues. The findings suggest that an ideological commitment to inclusion alone was not sufficient to produce intersectional discourses; a combination of an external mediated political opportunity and an internal demographic threat to the movement's longevity were necessary before discursive change occurred.