Invisibilizing race in public policy
In: Critical social policy: a journal of theory and practice in social welfare, Band 33, Heft 4, S. 712-720
ISSN: 0261-0183
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In: Critical social policy: a journal of theory and practice in social welfare, Band 33, Heft 4, S. 712-720
ISSN: 0261-0183
In: Journal of Poverty and Social Justice, Band 20, Heft 1, S. 5-12
ISSN: 1759-8281
In: Voluntary sector review: an international journal of third sector research, policy and practice, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 367-389
ISSN: 2040-8064
This is a review of the UK black and minority ethnic (BME) third sector that has emerged since the 1950s, identifying research and policy issues facing the sector now. The sector has been marginalised both in relation to welfare policy as a whole but also within the third sector more specifically. The BME 'voice' is now, at a time of severe financial pressure but growing needs, in danger of disappearing.
In: People, place and policy online, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 69-71
ISSN: 1753-8041
In: Community Capacity Building; Local Economic and Employment Development (LEED), S. 37-85
In: Children & society, Band 22, Heft 3, S. 147-149
ISSN: 1099-0860
In: Social justice and public policySeeking fairness in diverse societies, S. 230-249
In: Journal of community practice: organizing, planning, development, and change sponsored by the Association for Community Organization and Social Administration (ACOSA), Band 15, Heft 1-2, S. xxiii-xxvii
ISSN: 1543-3706
In: Studies in social justice, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 93-108
ISSN: 1911-4788
Social justice is a contested concept. For example, some on the left argue for equality of outcomes, those on the right for equality of opportunities, and there are differing emphases on the roles of state, market and individual in achieving a socially just society. These differences in emphasis are critical when it comes to examining the impact that public policy has on minority ethnic groups. Social justice should not be culture-blind any more than it can be gender-blind yet the overwhelming burden of evidence from the UK shows that public policy, despite the political rhetoric of fifty years of governments since large-scale immigration started, has failed to deliver social justice to Britain's minorities. In terms of outcomes, in respect for and recognition of diversity and difference, in their treatment, and in the failure of governments to offer an effective voice to minorities, the latter continue to be marginalised in British social, economic and political life. This is not an argument for abandoning the project of multiculturalism, however, but for ensuring that it is framed within the values of social justice.
Social justice is a contested concept. For example, some on the left argue for equality of outcomes, those on the right for equality of opportunities, and there are differing emphases on the roles of state, market and individual in achieving a socially just society. These differences in emphasis are critical when it comes to examining the impact that public policy has on minority ethnic groups. Social justice should not be culture-blind any more than it can be gender-blind yet the overwhelming burden of evidence from the UK shows that public policy, despite the political rhetoric of fifty years of governments since large-scale immigration started, has failed to deliver social justice to Britain's minorities. In terms of outcomes, in respect for and recognition of diversity and difference, in their treatment, and in the failure of governments to offer an effective voice to minorities, the latter continue to be marginalised in British social, economic and political life. This is not an argument for abandoning the project of multiculturalism, however, but for ensuring that it is framed within the values of social justice.
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In: Critical social policy: a journal of theory and practice in social welfare, Band 27, Heft 3, S. 335-359
ISSN: 0261-0183
In: Critical social policy: a journal of theory and practice in social welfare, Band 27, Heft 3, S. 335-359
ISSN: 1461-703X
Fifteen years ago, the term `community capacity-building' was not to be found anywhere within the policy literature. Now it is used worldwide, particularly in the context of urban policy, regeneration and social development. The paper argues that the term has been introduced as part of a political fashion but that in practice it is difficult to distinguish it from the practice of community development. A critique, drawing on experience worldwide, suggests that its widespread use represents a continuing failure of governments properly to engage in `bottom-up' development, is built on a `deficit' model of communities which fails to engage properly with their own skills, knowledge and interests, and helps to obscure structural reasons for poverty and inequality.
In: Journal of Social Development in Africa, Band 18, Heft 2
ISSN: 1012-1080
In: Benefits: A Journal of Poverty and Social Justice, Band 11, Heft 1, S. 57-61
ISSN: 1759-8281
Report Back provides news, views and reports from local government and the voluntary and community sectors. These reports are related, whenever possible, to the special theme of each issue of Benefits, but the most important consideration is their topicality and relevance to as wide an audience in these fields as possible. Benefits may commission pieces for particular themes but individual contributions are welcomed from those working in these areas and should be sent to the Editorial Office. These contributions might focus on either local government or the voluntary and community sectors, or on relationships between the two.
In: Local government studies, Band 28, Heft 2, S. 101-103
ISSN: 0300-3930