Suchergebnisse

En términos sintéticos este artículo intenta mostrar cómo la puesta en escena de la ciudad, vista a través de las narraciones de los actores y la prensa, expresa y produce la diversidad. Así, se explora cómo la ciudad de Minatitlán se ha construido con la participación de diferentes grupos de diversa filiación étnica, social y ocupacional (ingleses, chinos, coreanos, norteamericanos, chiapanecos, tabasquenos, zapotecos, sirio-libaneses; comerciantes, funcionarios, ingenieros, obreros). Esta multiplicidad cultural se analiza a partir del proceso de industrialización que tuvo lugar en la regió entre 1906, añ que se instala la refinería, y 1940, periodo al final cual, después de la expropiación petrolera, el Estado impulsará nuevos proyectos de modernización. Minatitlan: the Construction of a Multicultural City in the Veracruz IsthmusIn synthetic terms my article tries to show, through the narrations of the actors and the press, how the setting the city expresses and produces diversity. Thus, the text explores how the city of Minatitlan has been built with the participation of different groups of diverse ethnic, social and occupational backgrounds (Englishmen, Chinese, Koreans, North Americans, Chiapanecos, Tabasquenos, Zapotecos, Syrio-Lebanese; merchants, officials, engineers, workers). This culural multiplicity is analysed from the outset of the industrialisation process in the region —from around 1906 with the installation of the oil refinery— up to 1940, a period which, after the oil expropriation, the State implemented new modernisation projects.

Dividido en cuatro capítulos, con una breve introducción y conclusiones, la obra incluye, además de la bibliografía,un índice de mapas, cuadros y figuras, y las fuentes consultadas como el Archivo General de la Nación, el Archivo Histórico de Atzalan, el Archivo Histórico de Chacaltianguis, el Registro Agrario Nacional, el Archivo del Registro Público de la Propiedad y la Comisión Nacional Agraria, todos los cuales conforman el corpus del acervo documental.

El artículo expone y analiza algunos aspectos del papel que ha desempeñado la tradición festiva y la práctica religiosa en los procesos identitarios y de reconstitución étnica en el sur de Veracruz. Muestra cómo, históricamente, éstas prácticas festivas entre los indígenas nahuas y popolucas, así como entre algunos mestizos de la región, han configurado una manera de ser, de relacionarse y de estar en el mundo globalizado. Así, se destacan aquellos elementos que han jugado un papel central en la innovación de esta tradición festiva, así como en su articulación con y su participación en los procesos socioculturales de la región.Identity and Festival Tradition among Mestizos and Indigenous of the Southern Veracruz The article discusses and analyzes some aspects of the role that festive traditions and religious practices performed the in the formation of identities and the reconstitution of ethnicities in Southern Veracruz. It demonstrates the way in which these festival practices among the native Nahuas and Popolucas, as well as some mestizos of the region, historically configured a way of being and of being related in a globalized world. The article emphasizes those elements that have played a central function in renovating the celebratory traditions in the socio-cultural processes of the region.

En este trabajo le interesa al autor destacar algunos aspectos relevantes sobre la manera en que el riesgo laboral es percibido por los trabajadores de la industria petrolera; de cómo se han construido históricamente estas percepciones y representaciones y las prácticas que las sustentan actualmente. Se parte de la idea de que el riesgo en el trabajo industrial forma parte de una generalizada cultura sobre la percepción del riesgo que tienen los diversos actores y que toma forma en prácticas particulares construidas histórica y socialmente. Risk and Perceptions in the Labor World of Petroleos Mexicanos (A First Approach)In this work I seek to highlight some outstanding aspects of the way in which occupational risk is perceived by the workers of the oil industry, how these perceptions have been constructed and the practices that currently sustain them. I begin with the notion that the risk in industrial work is part of a widespread culture about the perception of risk generated by diverse actors and that they take form in concrete practices that are historically and socially constructed.

The increase of the social concern for educative results with international comparison of the National Educational Systems performance has had an effect of the mediate diffusion of PISA reports among OCDE country members. In some of them, the poor global results obtained has shocked the public opinion that has started to look for political responsibilities of what is perceived as a progressive deterioration of the Educational System quality. This is what has happened in Spain where the publication of these reports has coincide with the diffusion of other comparative analysis of educational indicators among the 27 members of the European Union. Because of this there are voices strongly claiming for a large State Agreement on Educational Policy among the big parliamentary forces, social agents( unions and business men) and the different sectors of the educational community ( managers, teaching staff, families and students), to strengthen education and improve its results.

This thesis studies the relationship between democracy and government consumption, through the lenses of the median voter model of democratic redistribution developed by Meltzer and Richard. Taking a large sample covering countries across all regions of the world for the 1960-2017 period, I estimate a positive effect of democratization on government consumption, controlling for country and year fixed effects. However, these results are not robust, as high levels of significance are not retained once I take the dynamics of government consumption and the Nickel bias into account. Given potential issues of endogeneity, I also carry out a two-stage least squares (2SLS) strategy, by using regional levels of democracy as an instrument, and my results do not change substantively. The lack of definitive conclusions arising from my empirical analysis suggests the relationship between democracies and government consumption may be more ambiguous than the median voter model of redistribution implies. If, for instance, democracy is "captured" by the elites, levels of redistribution might not be determined by the newly enfranchised segments of the population. Thus, I also discuss some of the reasons why recently democratized nations should not necessarily be expected to increase their levels of government consumption. ; Nesta tese, estuda-se a relação entre democracia e consumo público, tendo em conta o modelo do eleitor mediano num contexto de redistribuição democrática, desenvolvido por Meltzer and Richard. Considerando uma amostra alargada de países de todas as regiões do mundo para o período 1960-2017, estimo um impacto positivo da democratização no consumo público, controlando os efeitos fixos ao nível do país e ano. Contudo, estes resultados não são robustos, já que os elevados níveis de significância não se mantêm uma vez considerados as dinâmicas do consumo público e o problema do enviesamento de Nickel. Dada a potencial existência de endogeneidade, levo também a cabo uma estratégia de mínimos quadrados em dois estágios (2SLS), usando níveis regionais de democracia como variáveis instrumentais e os meus resultados não se alteram substancialmente. A falta de conclusões definitivas da minha análise empírica sugere que a relação entre democracias e consumo público poderá ser mais ambígua do que o modelo do eleitor mediano presume. Se, por exemplo, uma democracia for "controlada" pela elites, os níveis de redistribuição poderão não ser determinados pelos segmentos da população que acabaram de conquistar poder politico. Assim, discuto também algumas das razões pelas quais não se deverão necessariamente verificar aumentos do consumo público em nações recentemente democratizadas.