Suchergebnisse

La contribución expone los resultados del análisis de las variaciones con que se presentan los participantes de los casos de ejecución, asesinato, desaparición y muerte presentados en el Informe Rettig (informe jurídico sobre las violaciones de los Derechos Humanos durante la dictadura de Pinochet). Se discute tanto la presencia o ausencia de los participantes como el orden en que se perfilan (cf. Talmy, 2000: cáp. 4). La hipótesis, que corroboran los resultados, es que el informe privilegia construcciones gramaticales que posicionan a los agentes de los abusos de los Derechos Humanos en planos de menor prominencia. Por ejemplo, en (1) la estructura pasiva pospone a un plano secundario al agente y su omisión refuerza este hecho, en (2) el perfil del instrumento que causa la muerte, "la bala", activa solamente de modo indirecto la acción del agente y, por último, en (3) el agente se perfila en un plano subordinado, y por lo tanto secundario, a la acción, p.e. "disparos de militares". (1) El 12 de septiembre de 1973, fue muerto en su propio domicilio, LUIS ALEJANDRO RETAMAL PARRA, 14 años, estudiante de educación básica. (id. 140) (2) El 12 de septiembre de 1973 murió producto de heridas de bala SONIA ISAURA NORAMBUENA CRUZ, 34 años, dueña de casa. (id.139) (3) El 12 de septiembre de 1973, fue muerto por disparos de militares HUGO ARAYA GONZALEZ, 37 años, reportero gráfico, militante socialista. (id:141) Por último, cabe señalar que la presentación sistemática del agente en un segundo plano podría considerarse como una manifestación de un deseo por no provocar a los militares que recientemente habían devuelto el poder usurpado. Referencias Talmy, Leonard, (2000), Toward a Cognitive Semantics, Massachusetts, MIT. Informe Rettig, en línea: http://www.ddhh.gov.cl/ddhh_rettig.html

La contribución expone los resultados del análisis de las variaciones con que se presentan los participantes de los casos de ejecución, asesinato, desaparición y muerte presentados en el Informe Rettig (informe jurídico sobre las violaciones de los Derechos Humanos durante la dictadura de Pinochet). Se discute tanto la presencia o ausencia de los participantes como el orden en que se perfilan (cf. Talmy, 2000: cáp. 4). La hipótesis, que corroboran los resultados, es que el informe privilegia construcciones gramaticales que posicionan a los agentes de los abusos de los Derechos Humanos en planos de menor prominencia. Por ejemplo, en (1) la estructura pasiva pospone a un plano secundario al agente y su omisión refuerza este hecho, en (2) el perfil del instrumento que causa la muerte, "la bala", activa solamente de modo indirecto la acción del agente y, por último, en (3) el agente se perfila en un plano subordinado, y por lo tanto secundario, a la acción, p.e. "disparos de militares". (1) El 12 de septiembre de 1973, fue muerto en su propio domicilio, LUIS ALEJANDRO RETAMAL PARRA, 14 años, estudiante de educación básica. (id. 140) (2) El 12 de septiembre de 1973 murió producto de heridas de bala SONIA ISAURA NORAMBUENA CRUZ, 34 años, dueña de casa. (id.139) (3) El 12 de septiembre de 1973, fue muerto por disparos de militares HUGO ARAYA GONZALEZ, 37 años, reportero gráfico, militante socialista. (id:141) Por último, cabe señalar que la presentación sistemática del agente en un segundo plano podría considerarse como una manifestación de un deseo por no provocar a los militares que recientemente habían devuelto el poder usurpado. Referencias Talmy, Leonard, (2000), Toward a Cognitive Semantics, Massachusetts, MIT. Informe Rettig, en línea: http://www.ddhh.gov.cl/ddhh_rettig.html

Speaker commitment in Spanish can be expressed with various linguistic categories, such as discourse markers (e.g. por lo visto 'apparently', a mi parecer 'in my opinion', Martín Zorraquino – Portolés Lázaro 1999), different types of particles (e.g. sinceramente 'sincerely, to be honest', as understood by Santos Río 2003), and verbs (e.g. afirmar 'to assert'). This study deals with a number of Spanish verbs that can express or modify speaker commitment, and focuses on their use in exhortative forms, which are interesting in that they are oriented both to the speaker and to the interlocutor. The Spanish exhortative is expressed with the 1st person plural subjunctive. Exhortatives expressing speaker commitment are quite often used metadiscursively, as in digamos ('let's say'), and may be grammaticising to discourse markers. We also find exhortatives in more explicit expressions of the speaker's attitude towards the utterance, as in seamos honestos ('let's be honest'). In line with their deontic nature, exhortatives do not only refer to a 1st person or speaker role, but they can also target the hearer or interlocutor. Thus, these exhortatives may not only express the speaker's commitment (e.g. to being honest) but also suggest the type of commitment that is expected from the interlocutor when he/she takes over the speaker's turn. I will therefore investigate other factors that may co-determine the relation between the exhortative and the interlocutor, such as switches from 1st to 2nd person or explicit mention of the interlocutor. I will then contrast the analysis of these phenomena in a general corpus of contemporary Spanish (CREA, Davies) with a corpus of Spanish political texts. Issues of speaker commitment are particularly important and problematic in political texts, since politicians are often not the writers of the texts they commit themselves to by pronouncing them in public. On the other hand, the consequences of speaker commitment are particularly far-reaching in political life due to the highly performative nature of political discourse. I hope to show that exhortatives, though formally 1st person plural forms, function in a particular way with respect to speaker commitment, allowing to transfer (part of) the burden of speaker commitment to the interlocutor. Furthermore, I will show how interlocutor-oriented strategies are exploited in more 'charged' text types like political discourse.

Speaker commitment in Spanish can be expressed with various linguistic categories, such as discourse markers (e.g. por lo visto 'apparently', a mi parecer 'in my opinion', Martín Zorraquino – Portolés Lázaro 1999), different types of particles (e.g. sinceramente 'sincerely, to be honest', as understood by Santos Río 2003), and verbs (e.g. afirmar 'to assert'). This study deals with a number of Spanish verbs that can express or modify speaker commitment, and focuses on their use in exhortative forms, which are interesting in that they are oriented both to the speaker and to the interlocutor. The Spanish exhortative is expressed with the 1st person plural subjunctive. Exhortatives expressing speaker commitment are quite often used metadiscursively, as in digamos ('let's say'), and may be grammaticising to discourse markers. We also find exhortatives in more explicit expressions of the speaker's attitude towards the utterance, as in seamos honestos ('let's be honest'). In line with their deontic nature, exhortatives do not only refer to a 1st person or speaker role, but they can also target the hearer or interlocutor. Thus, these exhortatives may not only express the speaker's commitment (e.g. to being honest) but also suggest the type of commitment that is expected from the interlocutor when he/she takes over the speaker's turn. I will therefore investigate other factors that may co-determine the relation between the exhortative and the interlocutor, such as switches from 1st to 2nd person or explicit mention of the interlocutor. I will then contrast the analysis of these phenomena in a general corpus of contemporary Spanish (CREA, Davies) with a corpus of Spanish political texts. Issues of speaker commitment are particularly important and problematic in political texts, since politicians are often not the writers of the texts they commit themselves to by pronouncing them in public. On the other hand, the consequences of speaker commitment are particularly far-reaching in political life due to the highly performative nature of political discourse. I hope to show that exhortatives, though formally 1st person plural forms, function in a particular way with respect to speaker commitment, allowing to transfer (part of) the burden of speaker commitment to the interlocutor. Furthermore, I will show how interlocutor-oriented strategies are exploited in more 'charged' text types like political discourse.

This paper studies how language is used on Twitter by politicians during the 2014 European elections campaign. More specifically, it focuses on how Belgian, German and Spanish politicians present and promote themselves, connect to different kinds of communities and comment on current affairs through microblogging. This kind of language use can be viewed as "a process of interactive meaning generation employing as its tool a set of production and interpretation choices from a variable and varying range of options, made in a negotiable manner, inter-adapting with communicative needs" (Verschueren 2008: 14). From such a pragmatic perspective, we aim at investigating how the candidates adapt their language use to different contexts when communicating on Twitter, especially how the technological constraints and 'communicative affordances' (Hutchby forthcoming) of this medium influence politicians' language use. Special attention is paid to the distinctive use of personal pronouns to create professional and private identities, to affirm group membership and to link up with communities of possibly interested voters, followers, colleagues, campaigners, etc. (cf. Marwick & Boyd 2011). The research questions are: - How do politicians, whose discourse largely relies on personal deixis, adapt to the technical constraints of Twitter? - How is person deixis used in function of different communicative goals and in relation to (contextual) factors such as thematic content, political and personal profile, authorship, nationality, language? - Can deictic expressions be used to define identity-oriented Twitter styles (cf. Thimm et al. 2011)? The analysis relies on a corpus comprising four comparable sub-corpora (Teubert 1996) contrasting two Germanic (Dutch and German) and two Romance languages (French and Spanish). The dataset, collected at the University of Burgundy, consists of the tweets of all Belgian, German and Spanish candidates for the European Parliament elections (May 25, 2014), active on Twitter between May 4 and June 1, 2014. The research presented in this paper focuses on the systematic study of 1st person singular and plural pronouns, as well as person deixis expressed through verb inflection (for Spanish). We combine a quantitative and qualitative approach, analysing not only the frequency with which these forms are used, but also their reference and their meaningful functioning in the context of Twitter discourse. Indeed, we focus on (i) which reference is established (personal or professional identity, local or European group) and, (ii) which clues lead to the establishment of this reference, taking into account also Twitter-specific features such as the use of hashtags, reference to other users, and the use of deictic forms in retweets. Through this analysis, we show that language users adapt to the specificities of Twitter in various ways. Thus, we expect a lower frequency of person deictic forms than in other political communication, due to the conciseness constraint. The technical specificities of Twitter play a role in the construction of self and group reference. Finally, the particular use of deictics furthermore allows for defining the type of identity-oriented Twitter style European Parliament candidates construct, as well as for new insights into the relationships they create with their audience.

This paper studies how language is used on Twitter by politicians during the 2014 European elections campaign. More specifically, it focuses on how Belgian, German and Spanish politicians present and promote themselves, connect to different kinds of communities and comment on current affairs through microblogging. This kind of language use can be viewed as "a process of interactive meaning generation employing as its tool a set of production and interpretation choices from a variable and varying range of options, made in a negotiable manner, inter-adapting with communicative needs" (Verschueren 2008: 14). From such a pragmatic perspective, we aim at investigating how the candidates adapt their language use to different contexts when communicating on Twitter, especially how the technological constraints and 'communicative affordances' (Hutchby forthcoming) of this medium influence politicians' language use. Special attention is paid to the distinctive use of personal pronouns to create professional and private identities, to affirm group membership and to link up with communities of possibly interested voters, followers, colleagues, campaigners, etc. (cf. Marwick & Boyd 2011). The research questions are: - How do politicians, whose discourse largely relies on personal deixis, adapt to the technical constraints of Twitter? - How is person deixis used in function of different communicative goals and in relation to (contextual) factors such as thematic content, political and personal profile, authorship, nationality, language? - Can deictic expressions be used to define identity-oriented Twitter styles (cf. Thimm et al. 2011)? The analysis relies on a corpus comprising four comparable sub-corpora (Teubert 1996) contrasting two Germanic (Dutch and German) and two Romance languages (French and Spanish). The dataset, collected at the University of Burgundy, consists of the tweets of all Belgian, German and Spanish candidates for the European Parliament elections (May 25, 2014), active on Twitter between May 4 and June 1, 2014. The research presented in this paper focuses on the systematic study of 1st person singular and plural pronouns, as well as person deixis expressed through verb inflection (for Spanish). We combine a quantitative and qualitative approach, analysing not only the frequency with which these forms are used, but also their reference and their meaningful functioning in the context of Twitter discourse. Indeed, we focus on (i) which reference is established (personal or professional identity, local or European group) and, (ii) which clues lead to the establishment of this reference, taking into account also Twitter-specific features such as the use of hashtags, reference to other users, and the use of deictic forms in retweets. Through this analysis, we show that language users adapt to the specificities of Twitter in various ways. Thus, we expect a lower frequency of person deictic forms than in other political communication, due to the conciseness constraint. The technical specificities of Twitter play a role in the construction of self and group reference. Finally, the particular use of deictics furthermore allows for defining the type of identity-oriented Twitter style European Parliament candidates construct, as well as for new insights into the relationships they create with their audience.

1st person plural forms are generally considered to be less face-threatening, since they include the speaker in their ways to address the interlocutor. In this paper, I will use evidence from Spanish political discourse to show that there are various types of impolite uses of 1st person plural forms, and I will analyse the mechanisms for the 'conversion' of polite uses of 1st person plural forms into impoliteness strategies. Indeed, as a result of the interpretation of inclusive 1st person plurals as less face-threatening, these plurals allow for critiques which seem too face-threatening if construed with a 2nd person form, thus facilitating the expression of potentially impolite contents, e.g. We ought to be more careful. Furthermore, 1st person plural forms may also be used – politely – with a reference to 2nd person plural forms (excluding the speaker), e.g. in teacher-pupil relationships (We're going to be quiet now.). When applying these uses in inappropriate contexts, for instance among adults of equal status, the construction becomes yet another instance of impolite 1st person plural use. In my presentation, I will analyse these uses taking into account both internal linguistic factors and extra-linguistic aspects of the relationship between speaker and addressee.

1st person plural forms are generally considered to be less face-threatening, since they include the speaker in their ways to address the interlocutor. In this paper, I will use evidence from Spanish political discourse to show that there are various types of impolite uses of 1st person plural forms, and I will analyse the mechanisms for the 'conversion' of polite uses of 1st person plural forms into impoliteness strategies. Indeed, as a result of the interpretation of inclusive 1st person plurals as less face-threatening, these plurals allow for critiques which seem too face-threatening if construed with a 2nd person form, thus facilitating the expression of potentially impolite contents, e.g. We ought to be more careful. Furthermore, 1st person plural forms may also be used – politely – with a reference to 2nd person plural forms (excluding the speaker), e.g. in teacher-pupil relationships (We're going to be quiet now.). When applying these uses in inappropriate contexts, for instance among adults of equal status, the construction becomes yet another instance of impolite 1st person plural use. In my presentation, I will analyse these uses taking into account both internal linguistic factors and extra-linguistic aspects of the relationship between speaker and addressee.

Nous présenterons une analyse de messages à la frontière entre opinion et discours de haine, basée sur un corpus de tweets de personnalités politiques belges francophones. Les tweets ont été collectés au cours de la campagne électorale de mai 2019 et durant les mois qui ont précédé cette campagne. Nous sélectionnons quatre personnalités importantes par parti. Nous montrerons que les messages du corpus analysé contiennent très peu de stratégies incitant ouvertement à la haine mais que certains messages se situent à la frontière entre opinion et discours de haine. Ceux-ci peuvent inclure des représentations polarisantes ou stéréotypées de certaines communautés, basées sur des critères liés à l'ethnicité, la religion ou l'orientation sexuelle. Nous analyserons les stratégies linguistiques utilisées pour construire ces représentations polarisantes, comme la déixis, la généralisation, le langage métaphorique, et la construction de l'agentivité et de l'intentionnalité. En outre, nous montrerons comment la combinaison de ces stratégies peut contribuer à la création d'un discours qui représente certaines communautés comme une menace. En dernier lieu, nous comparerons les résultats de cette analyse avec les productions des mêmes personnalités politiques sur Facebook.

Nous présenterons une analyse de messages à la frontière entre opinion et discours de haine, basée sur un corpus de tweets de personnalités politiques belges francophones. Les tweets ont été collectés au cours de la campagne électorale de mai 2019 et durant les mois qui ont précédé cette campagne. Nous sélectionnons quatre personnalités importantes par parti. Nous montrerons que les messages du corpus analysé contiennent très peu de stratégies incitant ouvertement à la haine mais que certains messages se situent à la frontière entre opinion et discours de haine. Ceux-ci peuvent inclure des représentations polarisantes ou stéréotypées de certaines communautés, basées sur des critères liés à l'ethnicité, la religion ou l'orientation sexuelle. Nous analyserons les stratégies linguistiques utilisées pour construire ces représentations polarisantes, comme la déixis, la généralisation, le langage métaphorique, et la construction de l'agentivité et de l'intentionnalité. En outre, nous montrerons comment la combinaison de ces stratégies peut contribuer à la création d'un discours qui représente certaines communautés comme une menace. En dernier lieu, nous comparerons les résultats de cette analyse avec les productions des mêmes personnalités politiques sur Facebook.

Through a discursive analysis of reports on human rights in Chile from different moments in recent history, we show how finding of cognitive linguistics can contribute to a better understanding of social phenomena. More concretely, we analyze three discursive aspects: (i) the graduality of the identification of victims and perpetrators, (ii) the degree of intentionality that is attributed to the actions and the (more or less) prototypical representations of the agent, and (iii) the description of spaces that actívate the notion of certain perpetrators. The results show that the OEA reports, written during the dictatorship, offer more detailed information about those responsible for human rights violations than the Rettig report, written at the beginning of the transition towards democracy. Moreover, this study shows how cognitive linguistics can contribute to the analysis of discourses concerning the (non-)attribution of responsibility.

Whereas initially the use of Twitter by politicians was thought to open avenues for more direct interaction with citizens, research on different elections has shown that this does not seem to be the case. Rather, self-presentation seems to be the main aim of the use of Twitter by (candidate) Members of the European Parliament (henceforth MEP). In this study, we will analyse the use of Twitter during the 2019 European electoral campaign by current MEPs who are running to renew their position, and compare these results with those obtained concerning the 2014 campaign (author & author 2015), in order to shed light on the evolution of the use of Twitter in this context. Our corpus consists of the tweets and Twitter biographies of current MEPs from Belgium, France, Spain, UK, and we will adopt a corpus-informed linguistics discourse analysis combined with methods from communication sciences. We will focus on how and to which extent MEPs construct the following aspects of their identity. (i) We look into the construction of a geographical identity, namely whether the MEP privileges references to the European, national or regional level. (ii) We focus on how the Twitter users construct their political affiliation, namely whether they construct their affiliation as that to a national/regional party, a European political group, an ideology … (iii) Finally, we will discuss how these MEPs present their work as an MEP, e.g. do they comment upon specific positions held in the European Parliament, do they comment on their realisations as an MEP. Ultimately, our aim is then to account for the extent to which MEPs construct their identity in the campaign as that of a Member of European Parliament oriented towards the European level, or rather adopts different strategies for identity construction.

Whereas initially the use of Twitter by politicians was thought to open avenues for more direct interaction with citizens, research on different elections has shown that this does not seem to be the case. Rather, self-presentation seems to be the main aim of the use of Twitter by (candidate) Members of the European Parliament (henceforth MEP). In this study, we will analyse the use of Twitter during the 2019 European electoral campaign by current MEPs who are running to renew their position, and compare these results with those obtained concerning the 2014 campaign (author & author 2015), in order to shed light on the evolution of the use of Twitter in this context. Our corpus consists of the tweets and Twitter biographies of current MEPs from Belgium, France, Spain, UK, and we will adopt a corpus-informed linguistics discourse analysis combined with methods from communication sciences. We will focus on how and to which extent MEPs construct the following aspects of their identity. (i) We look into the construction of a geographical identity, namely whether the MEP privileges references to the European, national or regional level. (ii) We focus on how the Twitter users construct their political affiliation, namely whether they construct their affiliation as that to a national/regional party, a European political group, an ideology … (iii) Finally, we will discuss how these MEPs present their work as an MEP, e.g. do they comment upon specific positions held in the European Parliament, do they comment on their realisations as an MEP. Ultimately, our aim is then to account for the extent to which MEPs construct their identity in the campaign as that of a Member of European Parliament oriented towards the European level, or rather adopts different strategies for identity construction.

Through a discursive analysis of reports on human rights in Chile from different moments in recent history, we show how finding of cognitive linguistics can contribute to a better understanding of social phenomena. More concretely, we analyze three discursive aspects: (i) the graduality of the identification of victims and perpetrators, (ii) the degree of intentionality that is attributed to the actions and the (more or less) prototypical representations of the agent, and (iii) the description of spaces that actívate the notion of certain perpetrators. The results show that the OEA reports, written during the dictatorship, offer more detailed information about those responsible for human rights violations than the Rettig report, written at the beginning of the transition towards democracy. Moreover, this study shows how cognitive linguistics can contribute to the analysis of discourses concerning the (non-)attribution of responsibility.

Cette proposition s'inscrit dans l'axe 3 « Politique polyTIC ». Elle s'intéresse aux usages du dispositif Twitter par des députés européens français, britanniques et espagnols en période de pré-campagne électorale (octobre 2013 – février 2014). Plus spécifiquement, l'objectif est d'analyser les procédés utilisés par les députés pour construire leur identité à la fois comme professionnel politique mais aussi comme membre d'un collectif (groupe politique, pays, institution) sur Twitter. Wodak constate que les identités peuvent être utilisées comme des ressources dans le discours (2011, p.111) tandis que Graham et al. estiment que Twitter offre un canal de communication pour communiquer sa personnalité (2013). Il s'agit ici d'éprouver ces observations à l'aide d'un corpus étendu. L'approche est linguistique et communicationnelle, et s'arrête sur une période déterminante d'avant campagne puisque c'est précisément la période pendant laquelle les députés négocient leur position sur les listes électorales et doivent par conséquent démontrer leur capacité à représenter le parti tout en se profilant de manière individuelle. Pour ce faire, nous nous intéressons à l'utilisation des stratégies linguistiques mises en œuvre pour construire l'identité politique (Zupnik, 1994 ; Fetzer & Bull, 2008 ; Blas Arroyo, 2011) et au positionnement de l'émetteur (Goffman, 1981). Ainsi, nous souhaitons montrer que l'auto-référence mais surtout les généralisations et les références abstraites au parti contribuent à construire l'identité discursive. Paveau (2012, 2013) introduit des notions de technodiscursivité et technologie discursive que nous reprenons ici, notamment pour éclairer le rôle des hashtags spécifiques au parti ou à l'institution (Brus & Burgess, 2011) mais également le rôle de la description de profil dans la construction de l'identité discursive sur Twitter. Pour compléter l'analyse linguistique, nous abordons également les stratégies communicationnelles qui se déploient sur Twitter (Jackson & Lilleker, 2011 ; Saebo, 2011 ; Grusell & Nord, 2012). En ce sens, nous sommes attentives aux formes de présence, de gestion du temps, de positionnement du compte, etc. (Domenget, 2012a). Nous tenterons pour ce faire d'établir une typologie précisant les figures de députés - usagers de Twitter - qui se distinguent (pour des propositions de typologies, voire aussi Domenget, 2012a). L'approche est interactionniste et prend donc en compte la manière dont les individus agissent avec le dispositif en fonction du sens que celui-ci a pour eux (Flichy, 2008). Aussi notre proposition mobilisera également les apports d'une recherche qualitative (observation participante et entretiens semi-directifs) menée entre 2009 et 2013 au Parlement européen sur l'inscription du dispositif Twitter dans les pratiques des professionnels politiques. Finalement, la démarche comparative qui prend en compte les usages de députés issus de trois pays différents permet de mieux appréhender l'impact du contexte national sur la manière dont les députés se profilent. Elle témoigne également de l'importance du rôle de la langue dans l'analyse de Twitter comme dispositif socio-technique de communication. (Williams & al., 2013 ; Barton & Lee, 2013) L'analyse des pratiques discursives est d'autant plus importante que les manières de faire des acteurs sont indissociables des discours qui les fondent. Bien que nous nous intéressons ici spécifiquement à l'usage - communicationnel et linguistique - de Twitter par des députés européens, nous pensons que notre travail peut enrichir la réflexion sur la nature du contact que le professionnel politique tente d'établir avec son public de façon plus générale. Il permet également d'éclairer les procédés de mise en visibilité de production de contenu et de présentation de soi des députés européens sur Twitter (Domenget, 2012b). Références Barton, D. & Lee, C. (2013). Language online. Investigating Digital Texts and Practices. London & New York: Routledge Blas Arroyo, J.L. (2011). Políticos en conflicto: una aproximación pragmático-discursiva al debate electoral cara a cara. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. Bruns, A. & Burgess, E. (2011). The use of Twitter hashtags in the formation of ad hoc publics. In 6th European Consortium for Political Research General Conference, 9. University of Iceland, Reykjavik. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/46515 Domenget, JC. (2012a). Construire l'usager de Twitter : producteur-utilisateur, abonné, expert ?. 8e colloque international EUTIC, Publics et pratiques médiatiques, Université de Lorraine, 17-19 octobre 2012. Domenget, JC. (2012b). L'incertitude des usages de Twitter. Actes du Congrès AISLF, Rabat, 6-12 juillet 2012, pp. 161-169 Fetzer, A. & Bull, P. (2008). 'Well, I answer it by simply inviting you to look at the evidence'. The Strategic Use of Pronouns in Political Interviews. Journal of Language and Politics 7 (2): 271-89. Flichy, P. (2008). Technique, usage et représentations. Réseaux, Vol. 2, n°148-149, pp.147-174. Goffman, E. (1981) Forms of talk. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press Graham, T. Jackson, D. & Broersma, M. (2013). New platform, old habits? Candidates' use of Twitter during the 2010 British and Dutch general election campaigns. ECREAN Political Communication Section Conference, Milan Grusell, M. & Nord, L. (2012). Three attitudes to 140 characters: The use and views of Twitter in political party communications in Sweden. Public Communication Review. Vol.2 N°2, 48-61 Jackson, N. & Lilleker, D. (2011). Microblogging, Constituency Service and Impression management: UK MPs and the Use of Twitter. Journal of Legislative Studies. Vol.17, n°1: 86-105 Paveau , M.-A. (2013). Technodiscursivités natives sur Twitter. Une écologie du discours numérique, in Epistémé n°9, Revue internationale de sciences sociales appliquées, Séoul : Université Korea - Center for Applied Cultural Studies : 139-175 Paveau, M-A. (2012). Genre de discours et technologie discursive. Tweet, twittécriture et twittérature. http://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00824817. Saebo, O. (2011). Understanding Twitter Use among Parliament Representatives: A Genre analysis. In Tambouris, E., Macintosh, A. & de Bruijn, H. (eds.). Electronic participation: Third IFIP WG 8.5 Intenational Conference, ePart 2011. Berlin: Springer, 1-12 Williams S.A., Terras, M & Warwick, C. (2013). What people study when they study Twitter: classifying Twitter related academic papers. Journal of Documentation, 69(3) Wodak, R. (2011). The Discourse of Politics in Action. Palgrave Macmillan Zupnik, Y.-J. (1994). A Pragmatic Analysis of the Use of Person Deixis in Political Discourse. Journal of Pragmatics 21: 339-83.