Suchergebnisse

RESUMEN: En los Estados Unidos y otros países de democracia establecida existen teorías de opción electoral (vote choice) para explicar cómo y por qué los votantes toman decisiones electorales. Éstas nos explican cómo votan los ciudadanos, incluso qué peso dan a las evaluaciones de los candidatos, la económica, y otros factores en sus decisiones de voto. Conforme América Latina se democratiza y algunas naciones en el continente cuentan con varios años de continuidad electoral, surgen preguntas con respecto a la relevancia de teorías electorales desarrolladas en las democracias más antiguas para el análisis del contexto de las nuevas democracias. Particularmente, si ciudadanos de naciones pobres que carecen de las ventajas asociadas a la riqueza económica, educación y cobertura extensiva a través de la televisión, presentan patrones de conducta electoral reconociblemente similares a aquéllos presentes en las democracias más antiguas.Este estudio aplica dos teorías electorales de las democracias antiguas a un contexto donde la democracia es nueva: Nicaragua. Éstas son la teoría de retrospección (Fiorina) y la teoría de prospección (Sniderman, Tetlock, Brody). El artículo muestra que, no obstante su pobreza y el bajo nivel educativo de muchos de sus habitantes, en las tres últimas elecciones los nicaragüenses tenían una capacidad de voto que sigue las dos teorías. Además, los votantes nicaragüenses pensaron no solamente en los candidatos y la economía sino también en el tipo de régimen, una cuestión que nunca se presentaría en Estados Unidos o en otras democracias antiguas. Los menos educados se mostraron tan capaces de utilizar prospección como los más educados. A pesar de la poca antigüedad de la democracia nicaragüense y de la relativa inexperiencia de su población, hemos descubierto una importante evidencia de la utilización de procesos evaluativos retrospectivos y prospectivos en Nicaragua en las elecciones para las cuales contamos con información estadística. La conducta electoral desarrollada para democracias establecidas es también válida para las nuevas democracias, lo cual tiene fuertes implicaciones para la democratización. ?ABSTRACT: Voting studies in the United States and other established democracies offer vote choice theories to explain how and why voters make electoral decisions. These theories explain what weight voters give to evaluations of candidates, the economy and other factors in making their decisions. As Latin America has democratized and some nations of that continent have now had several years of electoral continuity, the question emerges about whether vote choice theories from established democracies have relevance for today's developing democracies. In particular, it is important to know if citizens from poor nations that lack the advantages associated with wealth, education, and extensive media coverage demonstrate vote choice patterns recognizably similar to those found in older democracies.This study applies two vote choice theories from older democracies to a context where democracy is new: Nicaragua. These are the theory of retrospective voting (Fiorina) and the theory of prospective voting (Sniderman, Tetlock, Brody). The article illustrates that, despite poverty, low educational levels, and lack of extensive media coverage, in the last three elections Nicaraguans demonstrated a vote choice capacity that fits with these two theories. Moreover, Nicarguan voters considered not only the candidates and the economy but also the regime type in making their choice. This last is a question that does not emerge in established democracies. The less educated were as capable of using prospection as the more educated. Despite the newness of the Nicaraguan democracy and the relative electoral inexperience of the population, we have found important statistical evidence of the utility of retrospective and prospective theories. Electoral patterns developed for established democracies are also valid for new democracies, a finding that has important implications for democratization.

[ES] En los Estados Unidos y otros países de democracia establecida existen teorías de opción electoral (vote choice) para explicar cómo y por qué los votantes toman decisiones electorales. Éstas nos explican cómo votan los ciudadanos, incluso qué peso dan a las evaluaciones de los candidatos, la económica, y otros factores en sus decisiones de voto. Conforme América Latina se democratiza y algunas naciones en el continente cuentan con varios años de continuidad electoral, surgen preguntas con respecto a la relevancia de teorías electorales desarrolladas en las democracias más antiguas para el análisis del contexto de las nuevas democracias. Particularmente, si ciudadanos de naciones pobres que carecen de las ventajas asociadas a la riqueza económica, educación y cobertura extensiva a través de la televisión, presentan patrones de conducta electoral reconociblemente similares a aquéllos presentes en las democracias más antiguas. Este estudio aplica dos teorías electorales de las democracias antiguas a un contexto donde la democracia es nueva: Nicaragua. Éstas son la teoría de retrospección (Fiorina) y la teoría de prospección (Sniderman, Tetlock, Brody). El artículo muestra que, no obstante su pobreza y el bajo nivel educativo de muchos de sus habitantes, en las tres últimas elecciones los nicaragüenses tenían una capacidad de voto que sigue las dos teorías. Además, los votantes nicaragüenses pensaron no solamente en los candidatos y la economía sino también en el tipo de régimen, una cuestión que nunca se presentaría en Estados Unidos o en otras democracias antiguas. Los menos educados se mostraron tan capaces de utilizar prospección como los más educados. A pesar de la poca antigüedad de la democracia nicaragüense y de la relativa inexperiencia de su población, hemos descubierto una importante evidencia de la utilización de procesos evaluativos retrospectivos y prospectivos en Nicaragua en las elecciones para las cuales contamos con información estadística. La conducta electoral desarrollada para democracias establecidas es también válida para las nuevas democracias, lo cual tiene fuertes implicaciones para la democratización. ? ; [EN] Voting studies in the United States and other established democracies offer vote choice theories to explain how and why voters make electoral decisions. These theories explain what weight voters give to evaluations of candidates, the economy and other factors in making their decisions. As Latin America has democratized and some nations of that continent have now had several years of electoral continuity, the question emerges about whether vote choice theories from established democracies have relevance for today's developing democracies. In particular, it is important to know if citizens from poor nations that lack the advantages associated with wealth, education, and extensive media coverage demonstrate vote choice patterns recognizably similar to those found in older democracies. This study applies two vote choice theories from older democracies to a context where democracy is new: Nicaragua. These are the theory of retrospective voting (Fiorina) and the theory of prospective voting (Sniderman, Tetlock, Brody). The article illustrates that, despite poverty, low educational levels, and lack of extensive media coverage, in the last three elections Nicaraguans demonstrated a vote choice capacity that fits with these two theories. Moreover, Nicarguan voters considered not only the candidates and the economy but also the regime type in making their choice. This last is a question that does not emerge in established democracies. The less educated were as capable of using prospection as the more educated. Despite the newness of the Nicaraguan democracy and the relative electoral inexperience of the population, we have found important statistical evidence of the utility of retrospective and prospective theories. Electoral patterns developed for established democracies are also valid for new democracies, a finding that has important implications for democratization.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- 1 Change and the American Electorate -- PART ONE: ATTITUDES -- 2 Looking at Leviathan: Dimensions of Opinion About Big Government -- 3 The Angry Voter: Politics and Popular Discontent in the 1990s -- 4 Economic Change and the Middle-Class Revolt Against the Democratic Party -- PART TWO: INVOLVEMENT -- 5 The Sixth American Party System: Electoral Change, 1952-1992 -- 6 Public Judgment and Political Engagement in the 1992 Election -- 7 Who's Talking? Who's Listening? The New Politics of Radio Talk Shows -- 8 Citizens for Perot: Assessing Patterns of Alienation and Activism -- PART THREE: GROUPS -- 9 The Gender Gap: A Manifestation of Women's Dissatisfaction with the American Polity? -- 10 The Religious Vote in American Politics: Value Conflict, Continuity, and Change -- 11 The Social Contract in Black and White: Racial Differences in Evaluations of Government -- PART FOUR: LINKAGE -- 12 The Electoral Connection: Images of U.S. Senators and Representatives -- 13 From Ward Heelers to Public Relations Experts: The Parties' Response to Mass Politics -- 14 Who's the Boss? Direct Democracy and Popular Control of Government -- Appendix: Wording of Survey Questions -- References -- About the Book and Editor -- About the Contributors -- Index

Historically, Nicaragua has been mired in poverty and political conflict, yet the country has become a model for the successful emergence of democracy in a developing nation. Learning Democracy tells the story of how Nicaragua overcame an authoritarian government and American interventionism by engaging in an electoral revolution that solidified its democratic self-governance. By analyzing nationwide surveys conducted during the 1990, 1996, and 2001 Nicaraguan presidential elections, Leslie E. Anderson and Lawrence C. Dodd provide insight into one of the most unexpected and intriguing recent advancements in third world politics. They offer a balanced account of the voting patterns and forward-thinking decisions that led Nicaraguans to first support the reformist Sandinista revolutionaries only to replace them with a conservative democratic regime a few years later. Addressing issues largely unexamined in Latin American studies, Learning Democracy is a unique and probing look at how the country's mass electorate moved beyond revolutionary struggle to establish a more stable democratic government by realizing the vital role of citizens in democratization processes.

This essay examines Nicaragua's municipal elections of November 2008 against the backdrop of Daniel Ortega's return to the nation's presidency in 2006. While Ortega has engaged in authoritarian practices, municipal-level Sandinista politicians have helped foster a vibrant local democracy. Engaging citizens in local problem-solving, they have dominated municipal elections since 2001, winning most major municipalities again in 2008. Sandinista success has pushed Liberals toward a more policy-oriented versus clientelistic approach to local government and generated a more responsive and competitive municipal politics nation-wide. These developments, contrasted with Ortega's behavior, indicate that Nicaragua is experiencing progressive and regressive forces in its democratization process.